Scholars ever more agree that economic diversification is becoming a vital strategy to ensure future stability in fossil fuel-export dependent states. This is the reason why, in recent years,...Show moreScholars ever more agree that economic diversification is becoming a vital strategy to ensure future stability in fossil fuel-export dependent states. This is the reason why, in recent years, grandiose development plans and modest efforts to achieve economic diversification have been initiated by some MENA states, particularly by those in the GCC. In Algeria, neither plans nor serious efforts are undertaken by the country’s ruling elites towards achieving this goal. Traditional rentier state literature cannot explain these visible differences in approaches between rentier states. Therefore, by studying contemporary Algerian history, this paper argues that the unwillingness of Algerian elites to diversify the Algerian economy is a result of an interplay between the nature of domestic institutions, international interference and oil. This case-specific approach enables a more accurate explanation for Algeria’s persistent political economic development. Moreover, by connecting rentier state theory with insights from postcolonial studies, and statist and critical political economy, this paper also appeals to the growing demand for an internationalised conception of the rentier state.Show less
This thesis assesses and compares neo-colonial mechanisms in Franco-Algerian and European Union-Algerian relations in shale gas exploration and solar power potential. Neo-colonialism supposes...Show moreThis thesis assesses and compares neo-colonial mechanisms in Franco-Algerian and European Union-Algerian relations in shale gas exploration and solar power potential. Neo-colonialism supposes traditional colonial activities have not ended after decolonisation but are continued ‘hidden in plain sight’. The criteria to investigate these mechanisms are economic predominance, political influence, and perpetuation of socio-economic disparities by cooperation with an elite in the former colony. The theoretical framework draws from the fields of international relations and anthropology. Energy security being the main priority for Algeria, France, and the EU, it dictates the development of new energy resources, often failing to take into account the effects on inhabitants of the extraction zones thus maintaining neo-colonial mechanisms.Show less
The Black Panther Party grew out of the civil rights era in the 1960s to form a movement aimed at protecting African-Americans from police brutality and the social injustices that stemmed from...Show moreThe Black Panther Party grew out of the civil rights era in the 1960s to form a movement aimed at protecting African-Americans from police brutality and the social injustices that stemmed from living in a racist society hellbent on ensuring the underdevelopment of Black communities. In seeking to explore and understand the growth of the International section of the Black Panther Party (BPP) from its base in Oakland, California to the Mediterranean coast of Algeria, this project will come across a variety of primary and academic sources that address the various influences and actions partaken in this journey. Whilst relatively short lived in its mission, the internationalisation of the BPP involved numerous actors, among whom, many have released autobiographies and memoirs detailing the unfolding of events that occurred between the years 1969-1972, alongside video speeches and declarations pertaining to such events. Yet, in order to truly appreciate this often forgotten part of the Black Panthers’ history, the years of revolutionary struggle dedicated to fighting for the rights of Black people across the world, and in the case of this project notably in the United States, albeit not solely, must also be taken into account. This is particularly important as tracing the influences of Black philosophical thinkers of the 20th Century such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X on more contemporary movements, such as the Black Panther Party, is often not done so to the extent that such major influences deserve. The usefulness of highlighting the actions partaken by the BPP prove timely in assessing the current political climate faced by members of the African diaspora all over the globe, notably in the United States with the continued growth of the Black Lives Matter movement.Show less
This thesis explores the debate around the application of the law on the separation of Church and State of 1905 from France in Colonial Algeria from 1890 to 1914. The unique status of Algeria made...Show moreThis thesis explores the debate around the application of the law on the separation of Church and State of 1905 from France in Colonial Algeria from 1890 to 1914. The unique status of Algeria made it so that it was legally part of France, the three départements of Oran, Alger and Constantine were all counted as French départements. Thus it seemed logical that law would be applied in Algeria as there would be no exceptions to any French territory at the time from the law. The application of the law in Algeria nevertheless sparked controversy as the context in which the law would operate was not the same as in France. The presence of an indigenous Muslim population and the dependency of the local Catholic Church on state subsidies raised concerns whether applying the law in Algeria was wise. The French administration in Algeria had also created a special form of hierarchised and centralised Islam with which the laic state could interact with and control. This was achieved through the control of the medersas, by censoring what was taught in these and the fatwas issued by the ulamas, and the recruitment of imams, ulamas and muftis which were proven to be apolitical and loyal to the French state. The Catholic Church in Algeria also served as an assimilative institution as many non-French European immigrants, from Catholic Countries such as Italy, Spain, Malta and Poland, came to Algeria. The application of the law in Algeria would on paper force the French authorities to give up the control they exerted over the unique form of Islam they had created in Algeria, but also give up the unofficial partnership with the Algerian Church with whom the colonial administration cooperated. The debate that originated in France and opposed Catholics and republicans made its way to Algeria and opposed these two ideological camps. What this thesis attempts to do through the analysis of newspaper articles, is to understand what the public opinion on this issue was in Algeria, to bring a nuanced perspective on the debate by highlighting differences within these two ideological camps, and differently from the scholarly literature adopt an approach not based on institutional archives.Show less
This thesis investigates the origins of the 2019 Algerian revolution, attributing it to the failure of the government to stimulate equitable economic growth and unemployment, and widespread...Show moreThis thesis investigates the origins of the 2019 Algerian revolution, attributing it to the failure of the government to stimulate equitable economic growth and unemployment, and widespread corruption amongst the ruling elite. The research applies the late-rentier paradigm, arguing that Algeria underwent a period of supposed reforms in the early 2000s in reaction to an earlier crisis of legitimacy during the 1980s and 1990s.Show less
Historians have overwhelmingly dismissed the ´Arab Kingdom´ policy as a failed colonial doctrine, stressing its inconsistencies and arguing that the implementation of Napoleon III’s policies in the...Show moreHistorians have overwhelmingly dismissed the ´Arab Kingdom´ policy as a failed colonial doctrine, stressing its inconsistencies and arguing that the implementation of Napoleon III’s policies in the 1860s contrasted his Saint-Simonian and indigènophile aims. By reconstructing the experiences of North-African men in the Armée d’Afrique during the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-71, this thesis highlights the inconsistencies inherent to this policy. Additionally, it argues that the colonial military’s formal aspects, such as pay, pensions, promotions and treatment in the military justice system, challenge the current discourse that the ideology was merely imperial rhetoric without substance. In line with the ´new´ military history’s focus on the relationship between war and society, this thesis draws on a myriad of sources to explore a wide range of aspects of colonial deployment during the Second Empire, including: recruitment, uniforms, mobilisation, decorations, religion, food, language, health and hospitalization, housing, combat performance, casualties, public image and treatment as prisoners of war (POWs). It thereby elucidates how the fall of the Second Empire at the end of the Franco-Prussian War, in many ways proved a break with the Third French Republic in terms of the status and treatment of French colonial soldiers.Show less
The question of the negative Chinese impact in African countries needs to be discussed in wider terms than positive or negative. Indeed, Chinese investment and behavior in Africa have been...Show moreThe question of the negative Chinese impact in African countries needs to be discussed in wider terms than positive or negative. Indeed, Chinese investment and behavior in Africa have been questioned, as for instance about the trade imbalance in China’s favor, its impact on domestic markets and industrialization process and also the impact of its high competitiveness, which are seen as hurting African economies. Chinese goods dumped in African countries are highly price-competitive manufactured goods, and most of African economies have an underdeveloped industrial sector, therefore limiting their development and the possibility to compete on their domestic market. International trade should be based on the establishment of an order of equality and not the one of exploitation. A first superficial glance on Sino Algerian relations might give a negative, or pessimistic view of the relationship, yet a deeper analysis and the incorporation of an understanding of the Algerian officials’ behavior will allow for a more nuanced approach of the relationship.Show less
This thesis focuses on the manner in which Algerian and Moroccan authorities overlooked the growing identification and importance the French language had for citizens through the implementation of...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the manner in which Algerian and Moroccan authorities overlooked the growing identification and importance the French language had for citizens through the implementation of Arabization. The research was guided by the following research question: What were the negative consequences experienced in Morocco and Tunisia following the implementation of the Arabization process in each respective country? This thesis will examine these adverse effects by studying both short term and long term effects caused by Arabization. Most existing literature focuses on the positive aspects of Arabization such as the re-establishment of the Algerian and Moroccan identities after the colonial era. This has created a gap in the existing literature about this topic as the negative effects of Arabization are discussed scarcely. Subsequently, this thesis adopts a different approach to existing literature by discussing these negative effects.Show less
Public opinions, political visions and international interference were important aspects of the duration of the decolonisation wars in Indonesia and Algeria after the Second World War. These three...Show morePublic opinions, political visions and international interference were important aspects of the duration of the decolonisation wars in Indonesia and Algeria after the Second World War. These three factors influenced together the events that formed the wars. This thesis concentrates on these three aspects and shows how they are combined and explain the duration of the wars.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
In 2001, the killing of a young Kabyle student in Algeria sparked Berber anti-Arab protests in Algeria and France, marking decades of intermittent conflict positing Berber identity against the Arab...Show moreIn 2001, the killing of a young Kabyle student in Algeria sparked Berber anti-Arab protests in Algeria and France, marking decades of intermittent conflict positing Berber identity against the Arab-Islamic policies of the Algerian state. Explanations for a growing Berber movement and the resulting conflict point to historical categorical divisions of “Berber” and “Arab” in colonialism and cultural groups. This thesis challenges the historical consistency of these explanations and examines how identity is constructed; it asks how this categorization of “Berbers” and “Arabs” has mobilized a Berber identity movement. Instead of linking this movement to a legacy of “Berber” against “Arab,” this thesis aims to show that the Berber identity movement as understood today is a relatively recent phenomenon. The following analysis develops two main arguments to support this claim: First, a historical discourse analysis of four periods shows that the category “Berber” has served different functions in different contexts. Second, the analysis develops a genealogy of “Berber” to present an alternative understanding for how categorization has shaped Berber identity, arguing that this movement is better understood as a product of interacting national discourses based on exclusive concepts of membership. These arguments are developed using insights from securitization theory to model identity formation, conceptualizing “Berber” as a term used with a purpose that produces a context dependent effect.Show less
