After the Liberation of the Southern Nederlands in late 1944, the head of the Philips company contacted the American religious and anticommunist organization the Moral Rearmament. Throughout the...Show moreAfter the Liberation of the Southern Nederlands in late 1944, the head of the Philips company contacted the American religious and anticommunist organization the Moral Rearmament. Throughout the 50s, the Philips family played a major role in facilitating the American organization in the Netherlands, propagating Cold War rhetoric in politics, culture and industry. What in historiography has been called a 'postwar consensus', a period of a supposed 'ideological vacuum' and labour harmony, is problematized by the activity in the Netherlands of this highly ideological network of international industrialists. This thesis tries to research how the Moral Rearmament politicized the fundaments of the 'postwar consensus' by various tactics, and simultaneously traces the dissemination of its political ideas in Dutch society and key industries.Show less
This Thesis´ analysis includes both private actors such as society groups and actors related to the US state, and it identifies how the interplay of these actors and their different interests...Show moreThis Thesis´ analysis includes both private actors such as society groups and actors related to the US state, and it identifies how the interplay of these actors and their different interests contributed to the rise of anticommunism in the Hollywood film industry. In doing so, this thesis explores how a combination of actors and factors contributed to the intensification of anticommunism in Hollywood after the Second World War. As a result, it argues that anticommunism in Hollywood did not originate from solely state or private actors with consistent interests, it emerged from an interplay of state and private actors with different interests and ideas.Show less
In the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for...Show moreIn the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for globetrotting travelers, news of the harsh human rights violations in the capital and the border areas mostly goes unnoticed by many. The current humanitarian crisis is the result of a deep-rooted historical and cultural conflict pestering the two island nations ever since the arrival of the European conquistadores. The vast majority of subsequent Dominican and Haitian recorded history has been characterized by foreign domination, political turbulence and chaos-inflicting dictatorships. The native peoples of the Arawak and Taíno tribes were soon decimated by Spanish colonization and its coercive implications. Populated mainly by Spanish and French colonists and later African slaves, colonial era struggles and territory disputes have developed into nearly constant conflict between Dominican and Haitian governments. In recent years, they have culminated in a controversial Dominican Constitutional Court ruling essentially stripping citizenship from all immigrants born to undocumented parents since 1929. As a result, four generations of supposed illegal Haitian and Dominican-born Haitian immigrants are left in a worrisome legal limbo. Apart from transportation to the newly built “Welcome Centers” in the border areas, these stateless people are left in social isolation without any rights and have to fear forcible removals that take place on a constant and ongoing basis (Abiu Lopez n.p.). Amnesty International, the UN Human Rights Council and online petitions call for international intervention in stopping arbitrary deportation and racial profiling (Mathurin n.p.). More specifically, pressure is put on the U.S. government to employ its hegemonic influence to alleviate the tense political and social situation in its Caribbean backyard. Those requesting Washington’s support seem to forget its controversial role in a not so distant past. Mostly through political and economic relations, the White House has employed a vast array of foreign policy measures towards the Dominican Republic and Haiti. One of these was having the back of what may have been one of the most murderous dictators of the Americas. The U.S. both publicly and privately supported the Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo throughout the Eisenhower and Kennedy administration until 1961, who developed a nationalist idea of antihaitianismo: a policy of racial discrimination and prosecution towards black inhabitants. Vestiges of this institutionalization of anti-Haitian sentiment still remain in today’s Dominican political culture and greatly backfire on the humanitarian crisis at hand.Show less
