In the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for...Show moreIn the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for globetrotting travelers, news of the harsh human rights violations in the capital and the border areas mostly goes unnoticed by many. The current humanitarian crisis is the result of a deep-rooted historical and cultural conflict pestering the two island nations ever since the arrival of the European conquistadores. The vast majority of subsequent Dominican and Haitian recorded history has been characterized by foreign domination, political turbulence and chaos-inflicting dictatorships. The native peoples of the Arawak and Taíno tribes were soon decimated by Spanish colonization and its coercive implications. Populated mainly by Spanish and French colonists and later African slaves, colonial era struggles and territory disputes have developed into nearly constant conflict between Dominican and Haitian governments. In recent years, they have culminated in a controversial Dominican Constitutional Court ruling essentially stripping citizenship from all immigrants born to undocumented parents since 1929. As a result, four generations of supposed illegal Haitian and Dominican-born Haitian immigrants are left in a worrisome legal limbo. Apart from transportation to the newly built “Welcome Centers” in the border areas, these stateless people are left in social isolation without any rights and have to fear forcible removals that take place on a constant and ongoing basis (Abiu Lopez n.p.). Amnesty International, the UN Human Rights Council and online petitions call for international intervention in stopping arbitrary deportation and racial profiling (Mathurin n.p.). More specifically, pressure is put on the U.S. government to employ its hegemonic influence to alleviate the tense political and social situation in its Caribbean backyard. Those requesting Washington’s support seem to forget its controversial role in a not so distant past. Mostly through political and economic relations, the White House has employed a vast array of foreign policy measures towards the Dominican Republic and Haiti. One of these was having the back of what may have been one of the most murderous dictators of the Americas. The U.S. both publicly and privately supported the Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo throughout the Eisenhower and Kennedy administration until 1961, who developed a nationalist idea of antihaitianismo: a policy of racial discrimination and prosecution towards black inhabitants. Vestiges of this institutionalization of anti-Haitian sentiment still remain in today’s Dominican political culture and greatly backfire on the humanitarian crisis at hand.Show less
Addressing the question:Following the 2010 Haitian Earthquake, the number of stateless Haitians in the Dominican Republic rose considerably. How can the current ‘statelessness crisis’ of Haitians...Show moreAddressing the question:Following the 2010 Haitian Earthquake, the number of stateless Haitians in the Dominican Republic rose considerably. How can the current ‘statelessness crisis’ of Haitians in the Dominican Republic be framed both as a product of, and contributing factor in, antihaitianismo?Show less
