To understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and...Show moreTo understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and cultural dimensions to argue how the shift in civil-military relations resulted in the Egyptian military facilitating a transition of power from Mubarak to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. By arguing about the shift in civil-military relations, this study uncovers that facilitating a transition of power as opposed to supporting the regime of Mubarak might have been 20 years in the making. Because of a shift from a clientelist relationship between the military and Mubarak to an internal clientelist relationship, the economic and political rise of Gamal Mubarak and the position the military holds within society based on a cultural-historic perspective, support for Mubarak became unlikely. Furthermore, this thesis adds to the theoretical critique on Huntington’s institutional theory by challenging the limited scope it offers to study civil-military relations.Show less
This thesis examines the case of the Islamist party the Freedom and Justice Party, the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, which has significantly resurged in the aftermath of the...Show moreThis thesis examines the case of the Islamist party the Freedom and Justice Party, the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, which has significantly resurged in the aftermath of the January 25 Revolution, and their efforts in the process of addressing the human rights conditions in Egypt. Eventually, the aim of this research is to assess whether the resurgence of the Muslim Brotherhood in the form of a political party, the FJP, democratically elected by the majority of the Egyptian people, after the 25 January Revolution has resulted in adequate changes to one of the main objectives of the Arab Spring, and ultimately, of the Revolution. The following research question has thus been formulated: To which extent has the Muslim Brotherhood addressed the human rights conditions in Egypt in the aftermath of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution? The human rights that this thesis wil specifically regard in this context are the right to freedom of thought, consciousness, and religion and women’s rights.Show less
In 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February...Show moreIn 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February onwards, citizens demanded political, economic and social reforms. Most often, the situation there is presented in terms of a sectarian divide, but the thesis suggests that citizens were angered by restrictions to their right to muwatana, active citizenship. Through this analysis, particularly from the perspective of the citizenship approach, it becomes evident that the Bahraini regime has used citizenship as a tool of governance to keep control and to divide up the population. It has led to inequities between Sunnis and Shia, but also between Bahrainis and expats and between citizens from birth and naturalised citizens. Particularly, these groups are unequally represented in politics and society, have different opportunities to get employed and limited options to affect the political, social and economic outlook of their country. These factors have caused resentment among the population, stimulating them to rise up and seek other channels to have an impact.Show less
The uprisings of 2011 started in Tunisia and impacted a lot of countries in the Middle East. The consequences can still be seen today. This thesis attempts to approach how these events have...Show moreThe uprisings of 2011 started in Tunisia and impacted a lot of countries in the Middle East. The consequences can still be seen today. This thesis attempts to approach how these events have impacted the cinema industry and in particular the place and representation of women in it.Show less
Russian-Iranian relations have been complicated since the very first interactions the nations made with each other. The up and down nature of the ties continued up until the first protest of the...Show moreRussian-Iranian relations have been complicated since the very first interactions the nations made with each other. The up and down nature of the ties continued up until the first protest of the Arab Spring and the breakout of the Syrian Civil War in 2011. During these events, both countries with known revisionist ambitions and anti-US sentiment gained new spaces of convergence upon which a different dynamic was brought into their relationship. Since 2011, Russia and Iran bolstered their ties and cooperation in numerous areas and on the surface, it might seem like a strong partnership has been formed. Only when analysing the situation in- depth, a continuation of troubled relations appears. This thesis uncovers in detail all there is to know about Russian-Iranian relations and their development since the start of the Syrian conflict. The work focuses on both areas thanks to which the ties flourished as well as limitations the relationship has had. Furthermore, using a well-known theoretical framework, the thesis follows the question whether the countries managed to create an alliance between each other.Show less
The year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The...Show moreThe year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The protests are mostly conducted by the youth of the MENA region who are discontent with the government. This generation realizes that due to unemployment, high inflation, poverty, human rights abuses and corruption they are caught in a vacuum, with no bright future with progress and evolution of their country and blame this on the Arab dictators. Tunisia and Morocco both experienced the Arab Spring differently in terms of violence by the state, but in both countries the protests are effective and big changes are promised. In Tunisia the Ben Ali Presidency is overthrown, while in Morocco King Mohammed VI remains king. Also, in both countries the desired democracy is established and democratic elections take place. However, the circumstances do not really change the civil lives. Unemployment remains a problem, police violence still occurs, the freedom and human rights are still violated and the rule of law does not change the situation in favour of the community. The frustrated youth seeks new ways to clear the void in their lives. In the same time period, the Islamic State is upcoming and recruits these frustrated youngsters. Especially Tunisian youngsters are susceptible for the promises of the Islamic State, as they are promised a future, with money, women and weapons. The official count of Tunisian foreign fighters is 6.000, while Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of foreign fighters, supplying officially 1.200 foreign fighters. The question is why there is such a big difference in number of supplied foreign fighters between these two countries. Trying to find an answer to this question this thesis inquires if the Arab Spring is the underlying cause. Therefore, this thesis’ research question is How have the results of the Arab Spring caused the extreme flow of frustrated Tunisian youth to the Islamic State, while a similar country as Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of Islamic State’s foreign fighters? The frustration-aggression theory of John Dollard and Robert E. Miller and colleagues is applied to explain the incentive of young Tunisians and Moroccans to go the Islamic State. By analysing the contemporary situation in Tunisia and Morocco in terms of unemployment, state repression and the influence of Saudi Arabia, this thesis concludes that the Arab Spring is the driver for the frustration amongst the youth, leading up to expression of aggression, wherefore the Islamic State provides space to utter it. Tunisia’s institutional failure created by the Arab Spring drives Tunisian youngsters frustrated and they are now either planning new uprisings, or are leaving for the Islamic State. The government is still dealing with the collapse of the institutions, therefore is not able to handle the frustrated youth. Morocco is not left in institutional chaos and can now focus on the terrorist threat, with a strong security system. It can brace the country against the Islamic State. According to this thesis, this is what makes the difference between the foreign fighters’ amount of Tunisia and Morocco.Show less
This thesis utilises a constructivist perspective to understand the ideational components of the AK Party’s foreign policy discourse and how it dramatically transformed Turkey’s relationships with...Show moreThis thesis utilises a constructivist perspective to understand the ideational components of the AK Party’s foreign policy discourse and how it dramatically transformed Turkey’s relationships with states in the MENA region. The thesis then goes on to analyse the difficulties the AK Party's foreign policy struggled to cope with the regional disorder brought about by the Arab Spring. The party’s electoral hegemony and almost-continuous rule allowed them to wield tremendous power and transform conceptions of the Turkish nation. The AK Party’s nationalist project departed sharply from Kemalist discourses by eschewing the traditional concern for secularism and a realist foreign policy outlook by instrumentalising and reinventing discourses of Islamic and Ottoman Heritage. This new nationalist project positioned Turkey at the centre of the Islamic World and as inheritor to the Ottoman Empire and sought to justify an unprecedentedly proactive foreign policy that saw Turkey forge ties with most states in the MENA region. Furthermore, it constructed durable ideological ties between the AKP, the state and Turkish society when formulating, justifying and defending the party’s foreign policy discourse and practice. Key to this transformation in theory and practice of Turkish foreign policy was former Professor of International Relations, and chief advisor to Prime Minister Erdoğan, Ahmet Davutoğlu. Davutoğlu can be clearly identified as the key personality leading this transformation, successfully channeling his theory into practice under the AKP and dramatically improving Turkey’s ties with MENA states with the “no problems with neighbours policy”. However, though Davutoglu and the AKP experienced profound success, the regional discontent and transformations brought about by the Arab Spring necessitated a dramatic recallibration of Turkish foreign policy discourse and practice to be more in line with the realist, Kemalist paradigm of the past.Show less
An analysation of the differences between the Hafez al-Assad regime and that of his son Bashar al-Assad in Syria. Why did the Uprisings lead to Civil War under Bashar but not under Hafez?
This thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on...Show moreThis thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on the topic of the nature of the state. Whilst originally rejecting liberal democratic values and a secular state altogether, the Brothers have since the 1980’s gradually adopted those values within their Islamist framework, and started participating in Egyptian politics. However, this approach led to significant ideological ambiguities on a number of central issues, such as the source of political authority (people or God?) and the role of shari’a (Islamic law) in society. By thorough analysis of the Brotherhood’s post-Mubarak political discourse on these issues, as well as taking into account government-Brotherhood relations, the Brotherhood’s internal dealings, and nationwide events, the writer contends that the Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities remained firmly in place into the post-Mubarak era, hampering its ability to be a successful political actor in a post-Mubarak Egypt.Show less
This thesis explores the durability of Libya's authoritarianism before and during the Arab Spring. By using a conceptual framework on Arab authoritarianism, this thesis argues that Gaddafi's system...Show moreThis thesis explores the durability of Libya's authoritarianism before and during the Arab Spring. By using a conceptual framework on Arab authoritarianism, this thesis argues that Gaddafi's system of governance survived for 42 years due to the structure of the state, its economic and foreign policies, and its claims on various forms of nondemocratic legitimacy. The argument is that these elements of Libya's governance resulted in a situation whereby the regime initially was able to withstand mass protests, but that the regime's actions also led to the military intervention that played an important role in the downfall of the regime.Show less
The uprisings across the Middle East starting in 2010, commonly referred to as the "Arab Spring," have drawn widespread international attention to themselves. Two of the most violent instances, the...Show moreThe uprisings across the Middle East starting in 2010, commonly referred to as the "Arab Spring," have drawn widespread international attention to themselves. Two of the most violent instances, the uprisings in Libya and Syria, have seen a very different approach from the international community while having similarities in terms of violence and violations of international laws. The thesis examines how international relations theories, namely neorealism, constructivism, and liberal institutionalism attempt to expla the change in tone with regards to the application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Each case study is examined in detail and both are related to international law which displays that R2P should have been invoked in both cases. A conclusion is drawn in favor of constructivism as the theory providing the best explanation for the change in R2P application.Show less
This Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni...Show moreThis Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni Islam, the Arab Spring is viewed as an ideological and existential threat to the regime in Riyadh. On the other hand, the transnational character of the regime’s legitimacy contains the important connection between its survival and its regional foreign policy. These theoretical assumptions justify the Thesis’ focus on the sectarian dimension of the Saudi policies’ effects. As the research shows, continuously blaming Iran for the protests in Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Yemen or Syria and, simultaneously, portraying these protests as a “Shi’a revival”, has reinforced Saudi and regional identification of Iran with Shi’a Muslims’ struggles. Consequentially, Saudi policies have inevitably facilitated the determination of any struggle mainly involving Shi’a, regardless of any sectarian dimension in its nature, as exclusively based on religion and, therefore, unquestionably supported by Iran. In this sense, as well, Saudi actions have determinately layered Middle Eastern conflicts after the Arab Spring with an increasing sectarian tone.Show less
This research aims to examine and elaborate on possible changes in the degrees of respect for human rights in Libya and Tunisia before and after the events that took place in 2011, which are known...Show moreThis research aims to examine and elaborate on possible changes in the degrees of respect for human rights in Libya and Tunisia before and after the events that took place in 2011, which are known as the Arab Spring uprisings. By examining the spiral model by Risse and Sikkink (1999) this research is set up to trace a process of change in the degree of respect for human rights towards compliance to human rights norms in both countries. Results show in the case of Libya that the mobilization of both national as well as international actors evidently contributed to regime change during the Arab Spring and improved human rights conditions to a certain extent. Comparable transnational mobilization took place in Tunisia, where domestic opposition was likewise blocked. Tunisia’s post-Arab Spring period marks a time of considerable improvements in human rights conditions and the general respect for human rights. Although human rights violations are still occurring in both countries, the evaluation of past research and the tracing of current transnational involvement with respect to human rights conditions can contribute to the scientific and public understanding of the importance of human rights advocacy. In the long run, the mobilization and support of transnational human rights organizations continues to contribute to future compliance to human rights norms, in these countries and around the globe.Show less
In the context of the current 2011 uprising across the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region, the Syrian conflict is the only one that has been described by different media, academic analysts and...Show moreIn the context of the current 2011 uprising across the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region, the Syrian conflict is the only one that has been described by different media, academic analysts and even some politicians as a sectarian struggle. This paper questions the accuracy of this assumption by raising doubts regarding the fair distribution of power and resources within Syria during the period of Bashar Al-assad’s rule, and suggesting that this may be the main reason behind the 2011 uprising. I study the reforms introduced in the year 2000 and later by Bashar Al-assad and argue that the 2011 struggle over power in Syria results not from sectarianism, but from different economic and political variables. The situation exploded in March 2011 in reaction to the limitations and restrictions on the economic and constitutional reforms instituted during the time of Bashar’s rule from late 2000 up to 2012.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
In 2011 an unprecedented wave of protests erupted from Tunisia and soon spread throughout the Arab World. While the initial euphoria was backed by the revolutions in Tunis and Cairo, the course of...Show moreIn 2011 an unprecedented wave of protests erupted from Tunisia and soon spread throughout the Arab World. While the initial euphoria was backed by the revolutions in Tunis and Cairo, the course of events in Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and ultimately Syria began to highlight that a romantic view of revolutions seems out of place. The two kingdoms of Jordan and Morocco have also witnessed significant protests in 2011 especially. However, these did not lead to a revolution – in fact, this was not their goal. The vast majority of those rallying in the streets demanded reforms of Jordan's and Morocco's political institutions, including the parliament, the electoral law and the constitution. This development, combined with the resilience of the Gulf monarchies (with Bahrain as a critical case), has once again brought the monarchy debate back into the limelight. The major underlying question here is does monarchy matter? Facing protests, both Abdullah II and Muhammad VI responded by reforming institutions. In Jordan, the constitution was amended and elections were held. In Morocco, the people could decide on a new constitution by means of a referendum and early elections were held. While ostensibly giving in to the demands of the protesters, these changes did not challenge the status quo but left Abdullah II and Muhammad VI with their almost omnipotent power. From a theoretical perspective this seems particularly interesting. Different approaches, stressing the impact of rentierism, foreign support or family participation, have attempted to explain the survival of monarchies in the Arab World over the past decades. The euphoria of the 'third wave of democratization' (Huntington) and the 'end of history' (Fukuyama) then transcended into scholarly publications during the 1990s, fostering the idea of institutions, once in place, contributing to a gradual process of democratization. During the second half of the 2000s scholars then began to realize that such effects failed to materialize in many cases. In fact, incumbents seemed to have employed democratic rhetoric and (re-)installed parliaments as well as elections while at the same time limiting their power and impact. In Jordan and Morocco these institutions also included another crucial function to Abdullah II and Muhammad VI respectively: they provided an intermediary level between king and people that can be criticized. In order to underpin this analysis, several primary sources for selected key dates since 2011 were taken into account besides the secondary literature. For Jordan, speeches of Abdullah II were considered as well as the text of the constitution, seeing that the latter was subject to change in 2011. Moreover, the coverage of the pro-monarchy newspaper Al-Dustour, the independent Ammon News and the country's main political opposition, the Islamic Action Front IAF, was analyzed. In a similar fashion, the statements of Muhammad VI and the kingdom's constitution were looked at for Morocco. Furthermore, the pro-monarchy newspaper Al-Sabah and the independent Al-Masa' were part of the analysis as well as Morocco's Islamist political opposition party, the Parti de la Justice et du Développement PJD, and the 20 February Movement, a youth group that was founded in early 2011. As the analysis suggests, the discourse about changes in the political system that erupted again in 2011 was almost entirely directed at reforming political institutions. Across the board official statements, pro-monarchy newspapers, but also independent and oppositional groups, made use of a technical language that focused on reforming the parliament, the electoral law or the constitution. These actors also approved the changes made respectively, seeing a solution and a step forward in them. Here, only little demands for a continued reform were raised. All these actors seemed to operate within the boundaries defined by the palace. The example of the 20 February Movement in Morocco stressed how deviating from this public reform discourse can result in selective repression and crackdown. The monarchies Jordan and Morocco have dodged the Arab Spring by allowing and engaging in institutional reforms. Although constitutions were amended or changed and elections were held the power balance has not changed. Accordingly, these institutions have helped Abdullah II and Muhammad VI to maintain their hold onto power rather than lowering it. Such an understanding of political institutions challenges the idea of them ultimately bringing about democratic change. Moreover, with regards to the monarchy debate the findings suggest that such a political setup, in which institutions serve as intermediary between king and people, allows the kings to remain seemingly distant from daily politics. It appears more difficult for presidents or prime minister, as heads of states in republics, to act in a similar fashion as they are by definition presiding the government.Show less
Militaries have played significant roles in the transition from authoritarian regimes to more democratic political systems. Most of these transitions took place during the seventies and eighties in...Show moreMilitaries have played significant roles in the transition from authoritarian regimes to more democratic political systems. Most of these transitions took place during the seventies and eighties in South Europe and Latin America. They often started with cracks within the ruling party, which ultimately led to a gradual transition towards the installation of another regime and in most cases to some form of democratization. Based on those empirical examples a few key indicators predicting the behaviour of a military in transitions can be distinguished. An institutionalised military, which is not directly involved in the administration apparatus and which position has been backed by a legal framework have been found willing to shape the transition period to a more democratic system. During the transition the civilian authorities should guarantee the military certain prerogatives in order to keep it satisfied. An end of the transition period is reached when an effective and strong civilian government is installed which is able to execute civilian oversight over the military. The recent popular uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East were not gradual and caused an abrupt regime change in several Arab countries. Only in Egypt the military took a leading role in the transition. This thesis shows that also in the case of Egypt the nature of the military as an institutionalized military, not directly involved in the day to day governing, made it very resistant to any form of democratization. In the three proposed constitutions since the 25 January revolution the military has demanded and granted itself extensive prerogatives and annulled any form of civilian oversight. This will make it very difficult for any future civilian leader to execute civilian oversight over the Egyptian military.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Why do people who face rather similar situations sometimes resort to violence and others do not? While structural factors are often assumed to be of high explanatory value for explaining the...Show moreWhy do people who face rather similar situations sometimes resort to violence and others do not? While structural factors are often assumed to be of high explanatory value for explaining the occurrence of violence, more recent approaches focused more on local dynamics and the specific position of agents in the political and economic system. Case studies entangling the specific reasons why people engage in violence are suited to gain further insight into these dynamics. Based on a comparison of the cases of North Sinai and South Sinai which show very different levels of violence despite sharing many similarities, this thesis shows the diversity of motives for individuals to engage in violent activities in North Sinai. At the same time it illustrates the importance of a shared interest that increases societal cohesion in the South of the peninsula and allows the people there to maintain nonviolent discipline.Show less
