The first elections after the anti-establishment Arab Spring protests resulted in a victory for Islamist political parties in a number of MENA countries. This came as a surprise to the West, which...Show moreThe first elections after the anti-establishment Arab Spring protests resulted in a victory for Islamist political parties in a number of MENA countries. This came as a surprise to the West, which points of view are known to contradict Islam with the democracy and civil liberties that the Arab Spring protests called for. It comes as no surprise then that Islamist political success is often contributed to the inclusion of these parties in a pluralist and democratic playfield. Allegedly, this forces them to bargain and negotiate with other actors, resulting in the disappearance of Islamist ideological elements and making them viable options for the electorate. This prominent way of thinking - which has been called the moderation through inclusion theory - is much critiqued for being too shortsighted in its view of political Islamism. That is why this thesis argues in favor of an alternative approach that shifts the focus from the outcome of a period of political transition and whether or not this is moderate, to one that emphasizes the processes and internal and external factors that shape the ideological transformations of these parties. By looking at the most prominent Islamist parties of three countries (Tunisia, Morocco and Egypt) and tracing their historical developments and contexts based on these internal and external factors, this thesis then offers an alternative explanation to the popularity of political Islamism in the first elections after the Arab Spring uprisings.Show less
On July 25, 2021, President Kais Saied proclaimed a state of emergency in Tunisia, justifying this through an “extensive” reading of Article 80 of the constitution that enabled him to rule by...Show moreOn July 25, 2021, President Kais Saied proclaimed a state of emergency in Tunisia, justifying this through an “extensive” reading of Article 80 of the constitution that enabled him to rule by decree, to eliminate corruption. While condemned as a coup d’état by Saied’s political opponents – notably, those suspected by Saied to be corrupt – and by many western media, the decision was applauded by the majority of Tunisians. Strikingly, Zogby Research Services’ polls found that more than 70% of the surveyed Tunisians expressed they were “better off” before the so-called Arab Spring. What explains this apparent nostalgia? This thesis investigates what explains the nostalgia for pre-revolutionary Tunisia, focusing specifically on the urban middle class. It finds that there is nostalgia for some aspects of pre-revolutionary Tunisia, in terms of economic and personal security. However, despite negative perceptions of post-revolutionary politics, Tunisian urban middle class members are not nostalgic for the entire pre-revolutionary regime, as they value freedom of expression too much to go back to political repression. Thus, they are unhappy with the increasingly authoritarian turn Saied’s rule has taken.Show less
Fear among other emotions plays an important role in shaping political outcomes, especially during periods of uncertainty. In this paper, ‘the politics of fear’ is taken as the theoretical basis...Show moreFear among other emotions plays an important role in shaping political outcomes, especially during periods of uncertainty. In this paper, ‘the politics of fear’ is taken as the theoretical basis and is explored through a case study of the democratic transition period in Egypt from 2011 to 2013. The aim is to investigate how fear led to the ultimate failure of this transition. This paper demonstrates that fear was experienced, instrumentalized and exacerbated by three main groups in Egypt during this period, the elite, the Muslim Brotherhood, and the leftists and seculars. Looking beyond Egypt, ‘the politics of fear’ can be used to explain other periods of political uncertainty in different contexts.Show less
This research attempts to show how information availability contributed to the rise of political opportunities during the Arab Spring and consequently led the way to mobilization. More precisely,...Show moreThis research attempts to show how information availability contributed to the rise of political opportunities during the Arab Spring and consequently led the way to mobilization. More precisely, this paper is an effort to provide an answer to the subsequent question: 'How did political opportunities lead to collective mobilization during the Arab Spring?'. What this paper brings to the literature is the application of the political process model, relative to freedom of information and the media environment, to the study of contention in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. Building a theoretical framework based on the tenets of the political process model, this research \ uncovers the realities behind the uprisings, exploring the different mechanisms and causal pathways that lead to mobilization. The findings suggest three main systems through which political opportunities were seized and collectivized by the masses, subsequently transmuting into collective action, such as (1) dissemination of dissent, (2) strategic framing, and (3) resource mobilization. Overall, this paper extrapolates that higher levels of freedom in the information environment did lead to more opportunities for collective participation in contentious politics.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (BSc)
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During the 2011-revolutions in the MENA region called the Arab Spring, women and men collectively took to the streets to demand bread, freedom, social justice, and human dignity. After the...Show moreDuring the 2011-revolutions in the MENA region called the Arab Spring, women and men collectively took to the streets to demand bread, freedom, social justice, and human dignity. After the revolutionary momentum had passed, women were excluded from the political domain, including the policymaking process. Based on the cases of Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia, this thesis examines the structures that restrain women from participating in politics by looking at both formal and informal politics. Broadening the analytical field in the study of policymaking while adopting an anthropological approach, this thesis criticises modernisation theory by showing how development is not a linear process by considering the role of religion and patriarchalism. It explains why despite women striving for similar demands as men, one cannot adopt a gender-blindness approach to reflect upon women’s aspirations and demands in politics. Besides, it shows how women increasingly were able to problematise their aspirations and demands by participating in physical and digital activism. However, the exclusion of women from institutional decision-making processes and the patriarchalist model of social order prevent the institutionalisation of women’s aspirations and demands into policies.Show less
The exceptional stability of the Moroccan monarchy during turbulent periods such as the protests of the F20 movement and the protests of the Hirak movement is intriguing. During the Arab Spring,...Show moreThe exceptional stability of the Moroccan monarchy during turbulent periods such as the protests of the F20 movement and the protests of the Hirak movement is intriguing. During the Arab Spring, the monarchy was the only country in North Africa that has kept the same head of state. Researchers are inclined to explain the stability of Morocco by analyzing the political strategies of the state and the monarchy. But what is often overlooked in the study of the Arab Spring in Morocco is the people. The Moroccan people remained relatively calm. The protests in Morocco were not as widespread as the protests in the rest of North Africa and the Middle East. In addition, the protesters' demands were aimed at reform, not revolution. How come the people of Morocco had different demands than the rest of North Africa? When considering the exceptional stability of the country, the country's particular characteristics must also be considered. Because not only is Morocco the only monarchy in North Africa; the country also has an extra religious dimension, because it is an emirate. To what extent did the king's religious title play a role in limiting the demonstrations in Morocco? To what extent has the king's religious legitimacy been used as a strategy to maintain peace in troubled times? And to what extent has the media been used as an instrument for this religious legitimacy? This research will examine to what extent the above-mentioned issues have had an impact on the demonstrators during the Moroccan spring. A content analysis of newsarticles from the Arab Spring period will be conducted. In addition, interviews will be conducted with protesters.Show less
This thesis seeks to answer the research question: What are the factors that changed and contributed to the success of the 2019 protests as opposed to the 2011 protests in Sudan? By juxtaposing the...Show moreThis thesis seeks to answer the research question: What are the factors that changed and contributed to the success of the 2019 protests as opposed to the 2011 protests in Sudan? By juxtaposing the two protests, this thesis aims to identify which aspects of social mobilization contributed to the success of the protests in 2019. The insights obtained about the success of these protests can serve to make predictions about other similar protests.Show less
This thesis investigates the effects of neoliberalism on labour and the social reproduction of labour. The thesis provides a literature review of the extensive literature on neoliberalism in...Show moreThis thesis investigates the effects of neoliberalism on labour and the social reproduction of labour. The thesis provides a literature review of the extensive literature on neoliberalism in general and in Egypt before providing a historical account of neoliberal reforms and their effect on the corporatist bargain between labour and the state. It then proceeds to discuss the effects of neoliberalism on informality, welfare and repression. The thesis argues that on all these fronts workers have been increasingly marginalised and forced to live in substandard conditions. Neoliberalism has caused a spike in informal employment and informal settlements. This informality results in decreased working conditions, wages and housing conditions. Another effect of the neoliberal reforms was the reduction of state provision of welfare. This vacuum was filled by private actors, often those families and individuals who benefitted from the neoliberal reforms in the first place. Labour is now dependent on private actors to provide services, which used to be a right based on citizenship. Harvey characterises neoliberal reforms as accumulation through dispossession. Lastly, the thesis claims that resistance to this dispossession has been effectively repressed through legal obstacles, Sisi-linked media narratives securitising resistance and an increased security apparatus. Overall, workers have suffered the brunt of neoliberal reform to the benefit of a select group of elites, who now attempt to form a coalition with the security forces to maintain stability, prevent another 2011 and maintain their accumulated wealth.Show less
Historically, Libya has played a crucial part in Italian foreign policy inside the Middle East- and North-African (MENA) region. Serving as the prime supplier of fossil fuels, Libya has also long...Show moreHistorically, Libya has played a crucial part in Italian foreign policy inside the Middle East- and North-African (MENA) region. Serving as the prime supplier of fossil fuels, Libya has also long functioned as a transit point for migrants taking the route toward the European continent. To safeguard both energy security and irregular migratory flows, Italy has invested in creating a mutually beneficial relationship with Libyan leader Moammar al-Ghaddafi. The 2011 Arab Spring would trouble these bonds, as Ghaddafi's reign was challenged - and ultimately toppled. Italian foreign policy-making has been described as notoriously self-contradicting, inefficient and serving self-interest at best. To test these theories, the events and resulting Italian foreign policy during the Libyan Revolution in 2011 serve as a case study. It will be shown that Italian foreign policy produced some tangible short-term results, especially in terms of energy security. Nonetheless, the processes that preceded these results were characterized by periods of uncertainty in Italian foreign policy making. Indeed, several actions of the Italian government proved to acknowledge the 'propensity for self-contradiction' that has long characterized Italian foreign policy-making in International Relations theory.Show less
This paper offers an analysis of the differences and commonalities between Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Gamel Abdel Nasser, a comparison sparked by the Egyptian Arab Spring. They are compared on their...Show moreThis paper offers an analysis of the differences and commonalities between Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Gamel Abdel Nasser, a comparison sparked by the Egyptian Arab Spring. They are compared on their paths to power, their politics, their visions and the place they hold within the Egyptian imagination. This paper finds that the comparison is only viable with regards to their rise to power and the public perception and propaganda related to both men, and that the reality of their governance is not comparable.Show less
This thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and regional actors in Syria. The research question of this paper is: What explains the hesitancy of the US involvement in the Syrian War? The research is focused on the red-line speech of President Obama to intervene in Syria and the following chemical weapon attack in Damascus. This study provides significant insight into the political relations between the US and Syria as well as the Syrian civil war. Many academic pieces of literature have been examined to combine valuable information about the power dynamics in the Middle East and their impact on the Syrian civil war. As a result, it is concluded that there are multiple causes behind the hesitancy of the US military intervention in Syria. These are listed as, the vetoes of Russia and China in the UN Security Council, the concern of non-ending regional war, the economic, political and humanitarian costs of the war, the emergence of the radical groups and the absence of strong secular opposition, the concern of state of chaos after the intervention, minor factors like difficult geography, population and the advanced air defense of SyriaShow less
In 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted from power following the Jasmine Revolution, a series of protests where women played an incredibly vocal and important role. However, this...Show moreIn 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted from power following the Jasmine Revolution, a series of protests where women played an incredibly vocal and important role. However, this dissertation seeks to argue that ‘The Woman Question’ in Tunisia is now more complicated than ever. Despite the comparatively progressive civil liberties Tunisian women have been granted, the reality women face in Tunisia is much bleaker than initially assumed in 2011. The aspects of co-optation, authoritarianism, class and religion will be used to assess how historically the conflicting issues surrounding women came to be, and the issues women face following the 2011 Jasmine Revolution.Show less
Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
Throughout the Egyptian January 25 Revolution in 2011, as part of the so-called Arab Spring, many incidents have put women, their bodies, and portrayals of female bodies at the heart of the...Show moreThroughout the Egyptian January 25 Revolution in 2011, as part of the so-called Arab Spring, many incidents have put women, their bodies, and portrayals of female bodies at the heart of the uprisings. As the political participation of women became challenged, suppressed, and even violently punished under the ruling of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, who came to power after the ousting of President Mubarak, the female body became a site of domination. Nevertheless, young women rose against the oppressive forces they faced, challenging the social and political standards by putting their bodies into the public sphere and transforming the female body into a means of revolutionary contention. Derived from the underlying question how the female body is a site of power interplay in times of political transition, the aim of this thesis is to examine how women have addressed the appropriation of their bodies and the reduction of their political voices to the female corporality in post- revolutionary Egypt. This thesis analyses the vastly differing cases of Samira Mohamed Ibrahim and Aliaa Magda Elmahdy, who use their bodies as a tactic of and topic for political dissent and struggle for agency. Illustrating the centrality of the female body throughout times of political transitions, the plural expressions of female agency and ‘bodily insurgency’ in post-revolutionary Egypt, these women express a counter-discourse to existing ideas about femininity and a woman’s corporality. As they denounce the practices of a patriarchal system that reduces their political voices to merely their sex, it is argued that the female body is more than a disciplined and ‘docile’ object, for it contains transformative and political potential – in different ways.Show less
