As diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of...Show moreAs diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of war. In 2013, president Vladimir Putin declared the Russian Federation “a defender of traditional conservative values against what it considers an assault of genderless and fruitless so-called tolerance” (Ragozin 2013). Russia is thus making an effort to lead by example in disapproving of non-traditional sexual orientations, and offering an alternative to Western liberalism. One of the most visible components of this 'traditional values' alternative, is a collection of implicit anti-LGBT laws imposed in Russia since 2013, which some scholars have labelled as a form of non-Western soft power. This thesis builds on that literature and assesses to what extent Russia has been successful in using its anti-LGBT Traditional Values discourse and policies as a foreign policy tool.Show less
A research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful...Show moreA research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful solution to the peace process in Nagorno-Karabakh. The period that is researched is from approximately 1988 to 2016. The final conclusion of this master thesis is that non of the actors involved are genuinely interested in finding a peaceful solution. All the actors involved have obstructed a peaceful solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process over the years.Show less
This thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians...Show moreThis thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians within north-eastern Anatolia; (iii) the Kurds within south-eastern Anatolia; (iv) and the Kurds within the Mosul vilayet (Southern Kurdistan/ present-day northern Iraq), from 1918-1926. The concepts of “Orientalism” and “civilisation” provide the theoretical basis and are applied to the sources analysed. The thesis argues that Britain’s actions were influenced by the prevailing stereotypes of each people and “civilisation”, but ultimately rooted in political and economic interest. The Paris Peace Conference presented an opportunity to strengthen Britain’s position in the eastern Mediterranean and in the Middle East through support for the design of friendly states and re-drawing the political map of the territory within the former Ottoman empire. Each case was part of the process of erecting a new imperial structure in the Middle East. This new structure was to be based upon the organising principle of ethnic nationalism, as promoted by the Allied powers, including Britain. The British role in each case can be described as: the leading supporter of Greek goals in Anatolia; predominantly a supportive observer of Armenian goals in Anatolia, leaving the French to play the role of lead supporter; a cautiously supportive observer of the Anatolian Kurds with little authority outside of its dictation of the Treaty of Sèvres; and a cautious detractor of the autonomy of southern Kurds, having occupied the Mosul vilayet in 1918 and held full colonial authority over it, experimenting with autonomy but ultimately deciding on its abandonment. By 1926, the goals of the Greeks, Armenians, and Kurds in Anatolia and Southern Kurdistan had not been achieved, and all had withered away in British Middle Eastern policy.Show less
In the spring of 2016, Azerbaijan undertook a military campaign to conquer Nagorno-Karabakh. Although the estimated number of casualties, as well as the land taken by Azerbaijan differs per source,...Show moreIn the spring of 2016, Azerbaijan undertook a military campaign to conquer Nagorno-Karabakh. Although the estimated number of casualties, as well as the land taken by Azerbaijan differs per source, it is agreed that it is the most violent clash between Armenia and Azerbaijan since the 1994 ceasefire agreement was reached. This thesis will argue what the worsening economy of Azerbaijan and the shifts within its domestic political situation have moved Azerbaijan towards this escalation of the conflict. Using a state level of analysis, as well as an individual level of analysis, this thesis will analyse how the resource curse of Azerbaijan which backfired after the Oil Boom ended, combined with the increase in protests from the civilians, has led to the regime deciding to move to escalate its conflict with Armenia over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.Show less
One of the most important actors in Middle Eastern politics today is the Islamic Republic of Iran. This country has been the subject of much controversy over the past years, partly due to the fact...Show moreOne of the most important actors in Middle Eastern politics today is the Islamic Republic of Iran. This country has been the subject of much controversy over the past years, partly due to the fact that it is the only state in the world that officially bases its domestic policy and legal system on Shi’a Islam. However, the extent to which Shi’ism influences Iran’s foreign policy has been disputed. It has been argued by some that Iran’s behaviour on the international arena has more to do with political and economic interests than with defending their religion; others have claimed that, on the contrary, some of the country’s actions cannot be explained without taking into account the influence of the Shi’a identity. One situation that has been explained from both perspectives is Iran’s decision to support Armenia, rather than their Shi’ite neighbour Azerbaijan, in the Nagorno-Karabakh war of 1988-1994. This conflict presents an interesting case study in the question of the influence of Shi’ism on Iran’s foreign policy. Some have claimed that Iran’s support of Armenia aligned perfectly with the Shi’a ideology of supporting and uplifting the oppressed, viewing Azerbaijan as the aggressor in the situation, rather than a fellow Shi’ite ally. At the same time, it is undeniable that Iran’s partnership with Armenia has provided and continues to provide economic benefits to both states. As such, the question arises: to what extent did the Iranian regime’s Shia identity influence the country’s decision to support Armenia, rather than Azerbaijan, in the Nagorno-Karabakh war?Show less
Using case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in...Show moreUsing case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in their relations with the European Union and Russia. This thesis evidences a noticeable shift in emphasis in the European Union’s primary documents relating to the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership after the Georgia/Russia war in 2008. After this war, the European Union’s ‘common values,’ more widely known as liberal values, become focal. Effectively, this emphasis on common vales has further distanced the European Union and Russia, an authoritarian state which has recently taken a ‘conservative turn.’ This widening distance between the EU and Russia has made existing between the two actors more difficult for the countries trapped in the in-between.Show less
