This study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more...Show moreThis study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more exclusive national identity that is established in the official Turkish discourse. The alliances that are touched upon are the political environment of Diyarbakir; the celebration of Newroz; the commemoration of murder of Hrant Dink; and Armenian and Assyrian Genocide commemorations. I argue that the main manifestation of most of these solidarities is creation of more openness about the Genocides, in especially Kurdish discourse. The alliances depicted in this paper are each different and each form a different degree of challenge to the Turkish national identity. I conclude that the political environment of Diyarbakir forms the greatest threat, which can be perceived in the state’s crackdown of its established institutions and initiatives of cultural practices, as it does not fit the homogenous identity that the Turkish State ascribes to itself.Show less
This study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more...Show moreThis study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more exclusive national identity that is established in the official Turkish discourse. The alliances that are touched upon are the political environment of Diyarbakir; the celebration of Newroz; the commemoration of murder of Hrant Dink; and Armenian and Assyrian Genocide commemorations. I argue that the main manifestation of most of these solidarities is creation of more openness about the Genocides, in especially Kurdish discourse. The alliances depicted in this paper are each different and each form a different degree of challenge to the Turkish national identity. I conclude that the political environment of Diyarbakir forms the greatest threat, which can be perceived in the state’s crackdown of its established institutions and initiatives of cultural practices, as it does not fit the homogenous identity that the Turkish State ascribes to itself.Show less
History can only be proven so far as by means of pragmatic hermeneutics. With the right motives, there will always be questions to raise about historical evidence, which is the exact reason why the...Show moreHistory can only be proven so far as by means of pragmatic hermeneutics. With the right motives, there will always be questions to raise about historical evidence, which is the exact reason why the history of the Armenian genocide can continue to be questioned. The Turkish state maintains that the deportations and mass-slaughter of Armenians in 1915-6 were not acts of genocide, but rather wartime countermeasures against an insurgent ethnic group. The intent of the Young Turk regime to homogenize Anatolia as part of their Turko-nationalist agenda by means of extermination of Christian minorities has been repeatedly proven in numerous works. These include titles written by Armenians as well as Western and dissident Turkish historians. Despite this overwhelming amount of evidence, the debate rages on and denialists continue to publish new work. This research has attempted to create a more thorough knowledge of their methods of argumentation, which can prove an essential tool in countering their narrative. This thesis is structured around the question to what extent the denial of the Armenian genocide can be labeled as a conspiracy theory or not.Show less
