Very little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable...Show moreVery little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable and weak, without any power to shape decisions of middle power states. This thesis examines the relationship between small states, the Pacific Islands, and regional middle power Australia. In order to answer the question “How do the Pacific Island States, as small states, attempt to exert influence on climate change decisions over middle power state Australia in the international environment?” this study employs a qualitative research design of small and middle power states. By showing collective leadership through the United Nations, the PIS are able to influence debates and agenda-setting of middle power states on the norm climate change at the international level. However, the influence of small states on Australia’s climate policies is limited and depends on the receptiveness of the Australian government. Yet, the current geopolitical competition between Australia and China occasionally offers the PIS opportunities to pressure the Australian government.Show less
Fishing played an important role in the subsistence economy of the Indigenous people of the Caribbean. Therefore, a lot of research has focused on the fishing techniques and tools that were used by...Show moreFishing played an important role in the subsistence economy of the Indigenous people of the Caribbean. Therefore, a lot of research has focused on the fishing techniques and tools that were used by these peoples before 1492. Already, a lot is known about which fishes were caught, how they were caught, and which tools were used to catch these fishes. However, one particular tool has often been overlooked and, thus, received little attention as of yet. As this thesis will show, Pre-Columbian Caribbean shell fish hooks are a relevant artifact of which its importance needs to be recognized. The gaps of knowledge that current are strongly present in Caribbean shell fish hook literature will be filled up by the means of a comparative analysis. There will be looked at shell fish hooks from three other regions: Hawaii, Australia, and California. The shell fish hooks from these regions have been studied more thoroughly than the Caribbean fish hooks, meaning that a comparison will prove useful. Within this comparison, special attention will be given to the manufacturing process of the shell fish hook, its use, the created typology and the role of men and women in relation to the artifact. It has become clear that certain aspects of the Pre-Columbian shell fish hook, of which the role of males and females is most notable, must be re-evaluated. The role of females in Pre-Columbian society is largely studied with a western bias in mind, something that researchers must stop doing. Women from all the other regions have played a large role in the collection of marine resources and sometimes also the manufacture of shell tools, meaning that the role of women must not be underestimated. It can be concluded that there is a lot of information to be gained of the largely unstudied Pre-Columbian Caribbean fish hook by looking at similar fish hooks from various regions across the globe. These results, furthermore, are expected to result in a more attentive focus on the recognition of the Caribbean shell fish hook during research. This thesis can be the starting point of further detailed research into the Indigenous peoples of the Caribbean through the analyses of the Pre-Columbian Caribbean shell fish hook. This tool can be used to track the diaspora of peoples into the Caribbean and can, furthermore, be explored even further in attempts to connect the Caribbean with mainland South and North America.Show less
This thesis focusses on Chinese dairy company takeovers in Australia. In particular the Chinese company ‘Mengniu Dairy Company’ taking over the Australian companies ‘Lion Dairy & Drinks Pty Ltd...Show moreThis thesis focusses on Chinese dairy company takeovers in Australia. In particular the Chinese company ‘Mengniu Dairy Company’ taking over the Australian companies ‘Lion Dairy & Drinks Pty Ltd’ and ‘Bellamy’s Organic Ltd.’. The question this thesis answers is the following: Are Chinese dairy company takeovers in Australia beneficial to the Australian dairy industry? The two case studies will help to answer this question. By using case study analysis, process tracing, and preference attainment, this thesis will add a completely new debate to the academic literature. In the end, this thesis argues that Chinese dairy company takeovers in Australia are beneficial to the Australian dairy industry in the short term, because of the influx of foreign capital. However, they are not beneficial in the long term, because Australia will loose its food sovereignty and food security networks to China.Show less
Obesity prevalence is on the rise globally. Often, national policies to address this issue are lacking or have limited effect. Public health advocates are therefore campaigning for regulatory...Show moreObesity prevalence is on the rise globally. Often, national policies to address this issue are lacking or have limited effect. Public health advocates are therefore campaigning for regulatory measures in the form of a tax on sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs). In the UK, advocates achieved this goal, whereas in Australia, they did not. In this study, the question was asked whether the framing strategies used by public health advocates mattered in their effectiveness. The aim of the study was to increase understanding about the causal mechanisms behind framing. Through content analysis, this study showed that effective framing enabled advocates to guide the public and political debate about obesity and the SSB-tax. Dominating the debate, however, did not in itself result in policy change. Contextual factors matter in this regard. Show less
The ongoing debate in Canadian and Australian societies about the meaning of multiculturalism and the associated discussion of belonging, citizenship and national culture cannot be divorced from...Show moreThe ongoing debate in Canadian and Australian societies about the meaning of multiculturalism and the associated discussion of belonging, citizenship and national culture cannot be divorced from the consideration of a major social element in both societies: the original inhabitants of the territories prior to their colonization by the European settlers. This group of people, which over the course of the national histories of these two countries was reduced to the status of minority on its own ancestral land , has since the early 1960s demonstrated increased agency by mounting a campaign of political, cultural, economic and social mobilization to reclaim its rights, most notably through the recognition of sovereignty, and to re-negotiate its relationship with the settler majority societies. The outcome of this mobilization is often portrayed in an interesting account that shows Canada to have gone further than Australia in the accommodation of indigenous rights and the righting of the historical injustices towards them. This thesis will be an attempt to reassess the veracity of this portrayal through a comparative study of the struggle for indigenous rights in both countries.Show less
This thesis discusses the relationship between Jews in British Dominions and Jews in the Metropole, through looking at the major Jewish institutions. This thesis argues that Jewish institutions...Show moreThis thesis discusses the relationship between Jews in British Dominions and Jews in the Metropole, through looking at the major Jewish institutions. This thesis argues that Jewish institutions responded to their ambivalent position within British Imperial racial taxonomies through adopting a form of British identity, in order to gain access to the social and political benefits entailed by whiteness.Show less
¬This paper examines political discourse in the scope of states’ responses to the global refugee situation around 2015 where the “inhumane treatment of people has become socially acceptable”. It...Show more¬This paper examines political discourse in the scope of states’ responses to the global refugee situation around 2015 where the “inhumane treatment of people has become socially acceptable”. It examines both the blatant and covert ways in which discourse and rhetoric have been used by politicians as tools for maintaining power and order (particularly in the securitization of refugee issues) in the modern era. Through two speeches by former Prime Minister Tony Abbott, the Australian context is utilized as a case study to challenge this dominant narrative which reinforces the historically inequitable relationship between the Global North and South. This critical discourse analysis examines commonly drawn upon themes in postcolonial literature of “othering” that is being attributed to refugee persons. This intersectional study utilizes the framework of [what the author has deemed] the three C’s of colonialism, including: Conquest, Civilization, and Christianity. This paper aims to expose the significance of soft power notions in International Relations such as discourse and rhetoric.Show less
This research focuses on children of post-war Dutch migrants in Australia and their transnational ties to the Netherlands. The main question is how, why and when the transnational ties changed in...Show moreThis research focuses on children of post-war Dutch migrants in Australia and their transnational ties to the Netherlands. The main question is how, why and when the transnational ties changed in different political environments, such as the shift from assimilation to multicultural policy in Australia. The research starts at the migrants' childhood and ends in their later life.Show less
This dissertation explores the interaction between Australian foreign policy and the Indonesian Revolution. Central is the point that Australian foreign policy was shaped by the Indonesian...Show moreThis dissertation explores the interaction between Australian foreign policy and the Indonesian Revolution. Central is the point that Australian foreign policy was shaped by the Indonesian Revolution to an extent that few historians have recognized so far. After the Second World War, the Indonesian Revolution both posed a threat and was an opportunity for Australia. They wanted to create a stable region and were aware of how important it was to have Indonesia as a defensive ally, especially after the quick Allied defeat at the hand of the Japanese. They also saw a chance to build up a trade relationship with a country that was both rich in natural resources and had a lot of potential customers of Australian products. Before the Revolution, Australia had mainly counted on the British and their stronghold Singapore for their defence, and had been unable to conduct trade with the Netherlands East Indies on large scale, due to the protectionist policies of the Netherlands. Australia became aware that its own interests conflicted with those of the United Kingdom and the colonial system. It was because of this old colonial order that the Netherlands East Indies and Australia did not maintain extensive contacts with each other politically and diplomatically speaking, but were both still very much focussed on the countries that had colonized them. Even though those were on the other side of the globe, and Australia and the Netherlands East Indies were neighbours. With the Indonesian Revolution this could all change, and Australia saw the opportunity. However, the United Kingdom had dominated Australian foreign policy for so long, that Australia was still unsure what its own opinions on the situation were. But these developed pretty quick, after Australia was dragged into the conflict. The result of the Borneo Campaign was that they had to assume responsibility over the eastern part of Indonesia after the war, until the Dutch would return. A polarizing, nationwide dockworkers’ strike in the meantime made sure that everyone in Australia itself knew what was going on in the Netherlands East Indies. While they initially tried to work together with the Dutch to find a solution for the conflict, the Australians soon became fed up with their stubbornness and the relation soured after a couple of diplomatic incidents. The British consequently denied the Australians a place at the negotiating table, and though they accepted their position at first, their frustration grew with each failed British attempt to mediate an agreement between the revolutionary leaders of the Republic of Indonesia and the Dutch. When the Dutch launched a military attack on the Republican areas in July 1947, the Australians decided that it was time to act. Breaking through all traditional boundaries that divided countries in political allegiances at the time, it referred the Indonesian dispute to the Security Council, directly defying requests from their closest ally the United Kingdom not to do precisely that, in support of a non-white, non-Western, and non-Christian country that did not even exist yet. This was both a symbol of an emerging Southeast Asian – or Pacific – region, of maturing Australian independence, and of the unavoidable demise of the colonial system, but it was also a momentous development in the Indonesian struggle for independence. The Renville Agreement that was signed after the ensuing negotiations between the Netherlands, the Republic, Belgium, the United States, and Australia was itself not such a success for the Indonesians, but it would have far-reaching effects. For the first time since the outbreak of hostilities after the Second World War, the international community had committed itself to a peaceful ending to the Indonesian Revolution. And this support would turn out to be crucial in the subsequent episodes that would ultimately lead to Indonesian independence. This thesis shows that studying the Indonesian Revolution and its impact through emerging power structures, instead of along the traditional lines, can provide surprising new insights, both in the significant role Australia has played in the Indonesian Revolution, and how that revolution would help bring about a more independent Australian foreign policy.Show less
Australia and New Zealand have been known for their British Child Migrants Programme (1920-1970). The Netherlands stimulated emigration after the Second World War as well. Considering overseas...Show moreAustralia and New Zealand have been known for their British Child Migrants Programme (1920-1970). The Netherlands stimulated emigration after the Second World War as well. Considering overseas demand for child migrants was high in the British context, this thesis explores the Dutch perspectives on the phenomenon of child migration. Following a governance perspective the thesis sets out to identify contributing factors and actors in order to explain the rejection of child migration from The Netherlands. The research is built on various primary sources including newspaper articles, personal publications, radio interviews and letter exchanges between governments and NGOs. These sources have identified both the Australian/New Zealand perspectives and the Dutch situation regarding children in The Netherlands during the post-war period. Ultimately establishing that the Australian and New Zealand governments were certainly interested in taking in Dutch children, but that the Dutch government were mostly apprehensive due to perceived Australian inexperience, a lack of parentless children and a lack of adoption regulations.Show less
The securitisation of migration can be defined as a shift in discourse in how refugees and asylum seekers are perceived by states and by the public. Whereas first refugees were predominantly seen...Show moreThe securitisation of migration can be defined as a shift in discourse in how refugees and asylum seekers are perceived by states and by the public. Whereas first refugees were predominantly seen as victims of humanitarian crises, they are now regarded as security threats. This research will investigate the causes and effects of the securitisation of the Australian migration system with a particular focus on the development of regulations concerning boat migrants. It concentrates on how political, socioeconomic, and security factors have influenced the shape of Australian immigration policies and what kind of consequences this has had for refugees and asylum seekers. In order to establish this, the research will first examine general characteristics of the securitisation of migration and then perform a chronological case study that examines changes in Australian immigration discourse. Eventually, this paper will argue that the securitisation of the migration system is not primarily caused by political factors, but by socioeconomic elements.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This thesis examines how governments legitimate and justify climate change policies. It focuses on the dissonant nature of the Australian climate change policy regime since 1987, and in particular...Show moreThis thesis examines how governments legitimate and justify climate change policies. It focuses on the dissonant nature of the Australian climate change policy regime since 1987, and in particular it looks at how successive administrations have legitimated policies which range from ignorance, to acceptance, to outright denial of climate change. In order to achieve this goal, government discourse from 1987–2014 is parsed and analysed according to a predetermined schema. The dominant, marginalised, and challenging discursive fields are studied, and specific attention is paid to how these narratives change in light of certain stimuli (such as economic recessions or natural disasters). It is revealed that traditional, neo-liberal economic narratives have been hegemonic, and thus used overwhelmingly both to legitimate and resist climate change policy regimes. Scientific and ethical considerations have played smaller but still significant roles in justifying and criticising policy regimes. Notably, the actual and predicted effects of climate change are largely absent from the government discourse. As a result, this thesis adds to the existing literature by providing a complete and coherent study of how the justification of Australian climate change policy has varied over the past three decades, shedding light on the dissonant nature of the Australian climate change policy regimes, and raising concerns about the focus of the climate change discussions espoused by the government.Show less
When, in March 1996, the Howard Government emerged victorious in the Australian federal election, it was the first such victory by the coalition of the Liberal and National Party at the federal...Show moreWhen, in March 1996, the Howard Government emerged victorious in the Australian federal election, it was the first such victory by the coalition of the Liberal and National Party at the federal level since 1980. This coalition would go on to win a further four elections and, when John Howard was finally defeated at the polls in December 2007, he had become the nation’s second longest serving Prime Minister. Among all the doubtlessly important determinants of Howard’s political success, there is one that sets him apart from his predecessors in the Australian conservative tradition: his frequent and impassioned appeals to Australia’s history and national identity. This thesis addresses two principal questions, one to do with history, the other with social theory. The historical question asks what factors account for this successful realignment between politicians and national identity. The theoretical question concerns national identity itself, as a more general phenomenon in social life. Social theorists have long debated the relative priority of mass, bottom-up, grass-root social processes in constituting and shaping the substance of national identity, relative to the attempts of cultural, political, ideological and economic elites to shape and mould national identity to serve their own ideological and material ends. In brief, there is common ground in the view that national identity, as a product of social artifice is constructed. What is less clear, is the extent to which it is constructable, and if so, who has the power to do the constructing, and under what circumstances. This thesis will contribute to an understanding of the conditions under which national identity becomes malleable, allowing it to be more easily appropriated by enterprising politicians. The evidence to test my premise will come principally from a case study of John Howard’s political career.Show less
A new rite of passage in the form of travel, particularly to Europe, has become commonplace in post-World War II Australian society. The Australian experience is unique; the country's geographic...Show moreA new rite of passage in the form of travel, particularly to Europe, has become commonplace in post-World War II Australian society. The Australian experience is unique; the country's geographic place in the world, its healthy economy and its historic tie to Great Britain all characterise this phenomenon. This experience - as fluid as it may seem on the surface - has remained relatively consistent throughout the post World War II period despite developments in aviation and communications technology.Show less
Remembering the Great War in the Dominions of the British Empire provides an insight into how the contributions of the British dominions of Australia and Canada have been memorialised in the...Show moreRemembering the Great War in the Dominions of the British Empire provides an insight into how the contributions of the British dominions of Australia and Canada have been memorialised in the aftermath of the First World War?Show less