Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
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The necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission...Show moreThe necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission published the Farm to Fork Strategy, a policy framework which has the aim of facilitating the transition to a more sustainable food system in the European Union. Since its publication, it has however faced mounting opposition and consequently there are growing concerns that the original promise of the Strategy will be watered down. In light of the need to build and maintain support for the Farm to Fork Strategy throughout the EU, a deeper understanding of the media discourse on this issue can provide important insights for policymakers and campaigners. There is, however, little research on the media discourse on sustainability, and even less on sustainable food systems. Using Austria and Czechia as case studies, this thesis investigates the media discourse on sustainable food systems in the European Union. My findings demonstrate that while there are many similarities in the reporting, there are also important differences in the content of the media coverage between the two countries. Furthermore, I find that frames which emphasise the role of the market in addressing sustainability issues are dominant in the coverage across both countries. Other key frames identified include the role of regulation in transitioning to sustainable food systems, as well as the potential of technological solutions. Furthermore, a new frame is identified that emphasises how the negative impacts of imported food such as food insecurity and carbon emissions can be avoided through prioritisation of nationally produced food.Show less
An evaluation of Austrian influence in Persia using diplomatic correspondence of the Austrian embassy in Teheran and further primary sources. The thesis is focusing on the Austro-Hungarian military...Show moreAn evaluation of Austrian influence in Persia using diplomatic correspondence of the Austrian embassy in Teheran and further primary sources. The thesis is focusing on the Austro-Hungarian military mission in Persia, the Austro-Persian connections regarding the Great Game and the influence of Austrian individuals in Persia. The paper tries to categorise, understand an reevaluate the Austrian presence in Persia regarding new perspectives on (Austrian) colonialism.Show less
This thesis investigates the economic developments and political experiences of Austria during the interwar period, specifically focusing on the years 1920 to 1933. By examining the socioeconomic...Show moreThis thesis investigates the economic developments and political experiences of Austria during the interwar period, specifically focusing on the years 1920 to 1933. By examining the socioeconomic policies of the Christian Social Party and their impact on the experiences of ‘ordinary’ people, this research aims to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the Austrian interwar period. The analysis draws upon diaries and local administration records from a smaller Lower Austrian town to explore how people experienced economic crises and how these experiences influenced their perceptions of politics through their lived experiences. The findings reveal a complex interplay between economic factors and political sentiments among the Austrian population. The economic crises faced by individuals were profound and enduring, marked by high unemployment rates, hyperinflation, and deteriorating living conditions. The Christian Social Party's policies, while initially promising, ultimately failed to effectively address these economic hardships effectively. As a result, a sense of disillusionment and despair took hold, leading to a growing disaffection with the political establishment. By shedding light on the perspectives of ordinary participants in democracy, this study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the interwar period. It emphasises the importance of considering the voices and experiences of the general population, which are often overshadowed by the dominant political discourse.Show less
This thesis shows that the conceptions of Habsburg multinationalism continued to have a decisive influence on interwar Austrian social democratic and Catholic conservative political thinking on...Show moreThis thesis shows that the conceptions of Habsburg multinationalism continued to have a decisive influence on interwar Austrian social democratic and Catholic conservative political thinking on internationalism in the period 1916-1927. The legitimations of the Habsburg Empire’s place in Central Europe, which included a distinguishing between political state and cultural nation, an othering of the ‘Eastern menace’ and the peculiar civilisational paradox of German superiority and national diversity, showed a ‘stability of meaning’ that continued to dominate Austrian political rhetoric after the Treaty of St. Germain. An actively fought ‘battle for intellectual hegemony’, which sprung from the Empire’s civilisational mission and found expression both in Austromarxist dogmatism and Catholic traditionalism, brought about a particular focus on education as a means for ‘socialisation’, renewal of Catholic values and internationalisation. Austrian Catholic and socialist internationalismsshowed similarities, stressing the importance of cultural internationalisation through education and free trade in Central Europe. The Christian Social chancellor Ignaz Seipel loomed large as an inspirational figure for (young) Catholics in the whole of Europe while Austromarxists Friedrich Adler and Otto Bauer tried in vain to bridge the gap between Labourist social democracy and Bolshevist communism The focus on Kulturpolitik and the universalist legitimations of Empire produced an internationalism that left room for utopian international schemes of European unity. Moreover, internationalism became a rhetorical tool in the increasingly polarised domestic debate in Austria, legitimising local political action with high-flying international idealism. This created a reality gap between local politics and utopian internationalism which resulted in an opportunistic Austrian foreign policy that was open to international initiatives like the League of Nations, the Little Entente and Paneuropa but that would never whole-hearted commit itself. Austrian international utopianism wanted to keep every option on the table which created a situation in which politicians had to settle for the internationalist option closest at hand. In the end, that turned out to be Anschluß to Germany.Show less
In the face of complex and interrelated ecological and social sustainability crises, the outstanding responsibilities of Western industrial nations are frequently underlined. As political awareness...Show moreIn the face of complex and interrelated ecological and social sustainability crises, the outstanding responsibilities of Western industrial nations are frequently underlined. As political awareness for these crises has arguably increased in the past decade, political language concerning them has too. However, altered discourses have not led to more sustainable and just policies. The world, and most importantly the largely responsible industrial states, continue to fail in combatting and mitigating global ecological and social hardhships. This thesis uses the young critical theoritcal body of Postcolonial Ecocriticism to scrutinise political discourses of Austrian and German political parties, revealing underlying attitudes and motives regarding sustainability politics, which might explain this inability or unwillingness for counteractions. Finally, it concludes that majorities in both countries show concerningly ignorant and uncritical crisis perceptions. In fact, the analysed parties' discourses often do not reflect the severity and complexity of global crises, and frequently neglect and perpetuate existing exploitative dynamics.Show less
The experiences of contemporaries have been neglected in the research of the far-reach-ing changes in Austria in the early 1930s. With the historiography focussing on institutions and structures as...Show moreThe experiences of contemporaries have been neglected in the research of the far-reach-ing changes in Austria in the early 1930s. With the historiography focussing on institutions and structures as well as mostly the time since 1933, significant gaps exist and underlying assump-tions which do not reflect the experiences of people living in the troubled times. In contrast, this thesis uses a bottom-up approach to unravel the lives of contemporaries, their hopes and fears and the impact of the various crises in politics, economics and identity from 1930 to 1934. It thus asks how ordinary members of society experienced their times and witnessed the slow slide towards fascism and how they reacted to it. Based on the accounts of seven diarists, these troubled times are analysed through the lenses of contemporaries writing soon after the events and often still under the impression of them. Hence, they paint unblurred pictures of their times influenced by their surroundings. Their views shed light on the past as it ‘actually was’ and unravel the stories beyond the institutions. The first chapter analyses the end of parliamentary democracy in Austria in 1934 as witnessed by the diarists with a focus on the turning point of February 1934. The second chapter situates the diarists within the political and financial crises of the violent times. Lastly, the third chapter looks at the profound unsolved questions of identity, linked to religion and political decisions within the framework of the diarists’ perceptions of the past. In this fascism in Austria is understood as existing in two similar yet distinct variants: clerical Austrofascism and Nazism. The former tried to establish itself foremost by eliminating its biggest enemy, the Socialists, at the same time as creating a collective identity based on religion, German nationalism and the Habsburg past. The diarists’ experiences change the external narrative especially in view of February 1934: they showed the necessity of reinterpreting February 1934 as the turning point in the timeline of Austrian history as which it was perceived in comparison to the Anschluss in 1938. Furthermore, the accounts revealed the interconnectedness of the many crises of their times and how these as well as the remembered past and anticipated future shaped their perceptions and everyday life. However, also the split into distinct ‘Lager’ and the thesis of Austrofascism op-posing the threat of Nazism have to be revisited. The latter was insofar challenged as the step from democracy to an authoritarian regime was seemingly more impacting the diarists’ lives than the step from one variant of fascism to another.Show less
It this thesis I intend to unveil the constructed nature of the Austrian post-war identity narratives and the consequences they continue to have today. I will investigate how, after the Second...Show moreIt this thesis I intend to unveil the constructed nature of the Austrian post-war identity narratives and the consequences they continue to have today. I will investigate how, after the Second World War, the conferment of the political neutrality status enabled Austria to reinvent its national identity and withdraw from war guilt. The constructed narratives consist of elements from the history of its imperial and pre-war cultural past. These continue to prevail and despite the emergence of a counter-narrative.Show less
European integration efforts have led to the creation of a variety of political and economic institutions. Yet the main stimuli for these efforts have always been of an economic nature (K. R....Show moreEuropean integration efforts have led to the creation of a variety of political and economic institutions. Yet the main stimuli for these efforts have always been of an economic nature (K. R. McNamara 2006, 802). The success of early integration efforts in the form of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community (EEC), has led to the establishment of further, more embedded institutions, such as the European Union (EU) and the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). In particular, the creation of the EMU has been characterized, as “the most striking example of economic integration in history” (K. R. McNamara 2006, 803). Whilst some praise the ideological consensus reached and celebrate the economic and political successes; others highlight the incompleteness of the project (Jones, Kelemen, and Meunier 2016, 1010). The recent financial and European sovereign debt crisis exposed the underlying weaknesses of the EMU (Nicoli 2017, 392). Most notably, the European Central Bank (ECB) as the epicenter of the EMU, had its weak output and weak input legitimacy exposed (Alcidi, Giovannini, and Piedrafita 2014, 9). The continued reliance on the economic results, known as output legitimacy, used to rectify the lack of democratic representation, known as the input legitimacy, was unfeasible in the long-term (Alcidi, Giovannini, and Piedrafita 2014, 9). Academics such as Kathleen McNamara and Erik Jones outline, that this is due to the inherent shortcomings of the EMU’s structural features. This critique is not limited to the scholarly domain but it should be pointed out that “most citizens realized that integration entails serious normative costs” (Majone 2014, 1216). Citizens thereby experienced the adverse effects of economic growth and successes of past years which had previously been induced by the EMU. Although the crisis has recently been out of public attention, Mario Draghi, president of the ECB points out that, “the crisis has shown that the monetary union is incomplete and that the weaknesses need to be remedied” (Mario Draghi 2014). Yet, this has not occurred and the incompleteness of the monetary union, specifically its weaknesses, highlights the danger that the EMU is still currently facing; a danger, which does not only call into question decades of European integration but could send the entire integrated monetary union into financial turmoil and with it, the world economy. Whilst economic academia has focused on the consequences and causes of the crisis, political scientists have shifted their focus to the recent rise of populist parties throughout Europe. These have heavily critiqued the policies and alleged shortcomings of the ECB and with them the EMU. Nevertheless, whilst recognizing the rise of populist parties throughout Europe and the economic crisis, current academic debate in both the political and economic domain remains largely disconnected. Hence this thesis shall depart from current academia by exploring the connection between the structural weaknesses and the attempt by populist parties to generate public support by answering the question: To what extent have populist parties utilized structural features of the EMU in their attempt to raise public support? To answer this question, this thesis shall first provide an overview of the academic debate regarding the shortcomings that weaken the EMU and the structural features that aid their mandate through conducting a literature review. Furthermore, an overview of approaches to identify the positioning of political parties will be provided. This thesis shall utilize a version of the wordscore approach, a computerized quantitative methodology proposed by Laver et al. in 2003 (Laver, Benoit, and Garry 2003). This approach treats words as data, in order to identify the emphasis on a specific topic or position through assessing the use-frequency of a key term or phrase. This standardized methodology allows for the assessment of a variety of text types across time, which will provide the necessary data to answer the previously defined research question. To support the findings, qualitative discourse analysis will be used. This will be applied to analyze the Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, AfD), in Germany and the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (Freedom Party Austria, FPÖ), in Austria which shall serve as case-studies for this thesis.Show less
International cultural relations connect a countries’ foreign policy agenda and their cultural achievements in a unique way. Therefore, this thesis compares the Austrian and the Dutch approach to...Show moreInternational cultural relations connect a countries’ foreign policy agenda and their cultural achievements in a unique way. Therefore, this thesis compares the Austrian and the Dutch approach to international cultural relations and explores the influence of its soft power projection in the international political arena. It studies the setup, the methods and the resources of the Austrian Cultural Fora and the Dutch embassies. By analysing the cultural diplomacy frameworks, this dissertation explains the incentives of the two countries to invest in cultural policies abroad. The diplomatic activities present national values and promote a politically and economically beneficial Image of the Netherlands and Austria abroad. Despite the aim to establish a coherent approach, the diplomats adapt cultural diplomacy to the political and societal circumstances in the host country to achieve both economic benefits and international cooperation. This research analyses semi-structured interviews with elites working in the field of international cultural relations at the Austrian and the Dutch Ministry for Foreign Affairs as primary sources and supports the findings with secondary literature. The thesis demonstrates that the methods and the institutions of Austrian and Dutch international cultural policy depend on the countries’ history and their foreign policy objectives.Show less
This research paper aims to identify and comment on the different meanings of the notion ‘integration’ as used in Austrian public discourse. This critical discourse analysis reveals how the term...Show moreThis research paper aims to identify and comment on the different meanings of the notion ‘integration’ as used in Austrian public discourse. This critical discourse analysis reveals how the term has been employed in the months preceding and following the Austrian legislative election of 2017 in order to make statements about migrants in Austria. Statements such as “we can speak of successful integration, when the migrant feels truly Austrian in the heart” by the country’s current prime minister are investigated in order to reveal what types of conceptualizations of integration circulate in the public debate and discourse. The discursively strongest linked meanings and associations to integration are the ones of German language acquisition, becoming a member of society, assimilation and the Islamic community. Other existing meanings include illegality and a burden resting on the receiving society.Show less
Migration has been one of the most prevailing issues in European public, political and academic debate over the last few years. Due to its specific geographical location within Europe and its...Show moreMigration has been one of the most prevailing issues in European public, political and academic debate over the last few years. Due to its specific geographical location within Europe and its reputation as a stable welfare state, Austria has become an important country of asylum. Today, it is one of the European countries which hosts most asylum seekers relative to its population. At the same time, politically and legally, Austria embodies one of the most conservative integration regimes in Western Europe. At a societal level, integration is widely negatively connoted―especially with reference to Muslim immigrants―and islamophobia and hostility towards Muslims has increased. In the light of the recent inflow of migrants from Muslim-majority countries, Austria seems to be forced to effectively engage with the adoption of integration measures that fit a country of immigration with sensibility towards the general public’s islamophobic tendencies. To investigate into the topic further, my thesis aims at covering integration from three perspectives: the role of the Austrian government, the predominant perceptions of Austria's society and of immigrants from the Middle East, including my own data collection. My thesis therefore focuses on the following question: What are some of the legal, political and socio-cultural aspects that have influenced and determined the integration process of Middle Eastern immigrants in Austria since 9/11?Show less
The American occupation between 1945 and 1948 is analysed through the eyes and minds of American political officials working in Austria. The interaction between Austrian government officials and...Show moreThe American occupation between 1945 and 1948 is analysed through the eyes and minds of American political officials working in Austria. The interaction between Austrian government officials and State Department officials, working at POLAD (USFA) and the US legation in Vienna, form the basis of this thesis. In search of America's post-war objectives in Austria this thesis discovered more than just that. The analysis indicates that the American assessment of the situation was increasingly influenced by dubious intelligence and, conflicting interpretations of domestic and international events. Uncertainty over Austria's future (imagination) became more important than actual facts and figures (knowledge) in determining policies. Both the American political officials and Austrian government contributed to the questionable notion that the country faced a considerable communist-Soviet threat, creating a potentially dangerous precedent for the future.Show less
