Using a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory...Show moreUsing a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory either toward or away from democratic governance, and their propensity to terminate ongoing conflict against insurgent enemies. The study finds a negative and significant correlation between nonviolent conflict cessation and both democratisation and authoritarian consolidation. Disaggregating the data by regime type reveals that democracies and machine-type autocracies are less susceptible to this effect than either military and personalist regimes. Finally, further inspection of the data reveals that both regime type and a number of other variables act as proxies for regimes’ internal stability and the absence of intra-elite rivalry. The finding, consistent with much of the existing literature, is that intra-elite rivalry drives regimes and leaders to continue fighting, and diminishes the probability of negotiated settlement.Show less
Nur-Sultan, first named Akmola and then Astana, is a planned capital, like Brasília in Brazil, New Delhi in India and Canberra in Australia. This kind of capital has been purposively build in a...Show moreNur-Sultan, first named Akmola and then Astana, is a planned capital, like Brasília in Brazil, New Delhi in India and Canberra in Australia. This kind of capital has been purposively build in a specific location, mostly due to a better climate or due to an overpopulated area. However, in the case of Astana, the capital was relocated for different and rather undemocratic reasons, as this study finds: to suit the changes of an authoritarian regime in a new independent country. This study offers an explanation for how Kazakhstan’s capital relocation in 1997 has been legitimised by the country’s former president Nursultan Nazarbayev. This is done through a qualitative content analysis of Nazarbayev’s public speeches from 1991 to 2017 as research material, wherein he discusses the capital relocation and its significance. It is found that the new capital is meant to be the showpiece of Kazakh culture and identity; and a symbol of economic prosperity and the regime’s geopolitical vision. In addition, it should become the centre of Central Asia, and also Eurasia, which is in line with the country’s legitimation strategy of i.e. playing the leading role in the Eurasian region.Show less
