In recent years, China has thoroughly changed its position on climate justice and climate governance. They have went from advocating for climate justice and for their right to industrialize to...Show moreIn recent years, China has thoroughly changed its position on climate justice and climate governance. They have went from advocating for climate justice and for their right to industrialize to making global climate governance a key part of their national and international identity. The Green Belt and Road Initiative has been a key factor in how China now profiles itself. In this paper, I argue how the Green Belt and Road Initiative can play a role in China’s global climate leadership ambitions, but also highlight some of its flaws that could hinder it instead.Show less
This thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by Azerbaijani and Chinese politicians – asserting that the BRI has promoted Azerbaijan's economic growth – align with economic realities. This is examined through four facets: the BRI’s role in Azerbaijan's emergence as a transit hub, economic diversification, overall economic growth, and Sino-Azerbaijani cooperation beyond the transport sector. The results seem to suggest an association between BRI partnership and positive economic changes, such as economic diversification and GDP growth. However, the assertion that the BRI is the sole driver of these changes is premature, considering other influencing factors and the recent establishment of the BRI. Therefore, while political rhetoric may not entirely match the economic reality, the findings suggest potential for future bilateral benefits and economic growth. A need for further long-term research is needed to solidify any of the conclusions.Show less
Mainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or...Show moreMainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or not. Such theories are too simplistic. Often overlooked is not only the complex domestic situation in Myanmar, but also how China and Myanmar cultivated a strong bilateral relationship during the NLD era. In order to account for Myanmar’s complex domestic context, this thesis analyses the security impact of the coup on the ethnic rebel-controlled areas bordering China, and the economic impact on the Sino-Myanmar pipelines, one of China’s major Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects. The research question of this study is: to what extent did China materially benefit from the February 1 coup in Myanmar? This thesis concludes that the coup increased the intensity of the conflict with EAOs, thus worsening the subsequent adverse conflict spill-over effect in the border areas. Furthermore, China’s BRI investments, including the pipelines, have historically been more secure under civilian NLD rule then under the military Tatmadaw rule. Thus, the February 2021 coup does not materially benefit China.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as an international development incentive has raised critiques of hidden agenda power politics in many regions around the world. Although research indicates...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as an international development incentive has raised critiques of hidden agenda power politics in many regions around the world. Although research indicates possible positive consequences of the BRI, criticists believe the development initiative shows characteristics of economic and political dependence through power politics. Some even argue the BRI shows neo-colonial characteristics. However, as China is not a former European colonial power, nor a developed nation, the assumption of classical neo-colonialism is inconvenient. This research argues that China is using the BRI as a new form of neo-colonialism in the 21st century. By holding the classical interpretations of neo-colonialism in the light of the 21st century, this research developed a broader conceptualisation of modern-day neo-colonialism. By means of an operationalisation framework using four neo-colonial characteristics (import and export dominance, dominance in crucial industries, fields and companies, backwardness and debt-obligations), this research found that China in some cases used neo-colonialism as an instrument to obtain economic and political dependence over Hungary, Serbia and Poland.Show less
This research investigates China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) engagement in Serbia and Montenegro and has identified two potential conditions which explain the differences in the outcome of the...Show moreThis research investigates China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) engagement in Serbia and Montenegro and has identified two potential conditions which explain the differences in the outcome of the two countries. Between 2013 and 2022, China has engaged through the BRI with Serbia and Montenegro. This led to two different outcomes for the similar-looking countries, where Montenegro seemed less pleased with engagement than Serbia. This research aimed to identify underlying conditions that could explain the differences through a qualitative case study that applies historical institutionalism. The two countries were investigated individually to identify the levels of engagement and whether there were critical junctions in the two cases. The Serbian critical juncture is more of a pattern of (un)taken actions in decision-making by the Serbian government benefitting Chinese engagement. In the case of Montenegro, the Bel-Boljare highway can be identified as a clear critical juncture. However, due to certain assumptions in the media and political landscape, it has been portrayed as a Chinese debt trap. Consequently, the two cases were compared to see the similarities and differences and identify a possible explanation for why the outcomes differed. This study has identified two conditions that can explain the differences: the geographical position of Serbia and the geopolitical position of both countries.Show less
China’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through...Show moreChina’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through infrastructure development, has remained a prominent contemporary issue for Southeast Asian states that are situated in one of China’s key geographical areas of interest for the BRI’s designated ‘Maritime Silk Road’. While on the one hand presenting itself as a solution to the region’s infrastructural challenges through investments, it simultaneously continues to clash with a number of states within Southeast Asia over territorial disputes within the South China Sea (SCS). In this sense, what China has gained in means of hard power, it can be argued to lack in soft power within the current regional order – a power vacuum that the implementation of developments under the banner of the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) component of the BRI could potentially resolve for China. In attempting to find an answer to the question “How has China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road affected state cohesion within Southeast Asia?”, a comparison has been made between five claimant states within the SCS region (the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, and Vietnam) to see how each of their positions has potentially been altered in light of China’s MSRI, and thereby ultimately their overall cohesion. By applying a congruence analysis, the explanatory power of realist and constructivist theoretical approaches have been tested to determine which variables have been decisive in foreign policy decision-making for the observed cases. While the variables related to realism have been concluded to be more decisive for a decrease in cohesion amongst the claimant states for the time being, developments under the banner of the BRI as well as the SCS disputes are in constant flux. Therefore no definitive conclusion can be drawn yet with respect to the direction of regionalism in Southeast Asia and the most suitable theoretical explanation thereof.Show less
This thesis aims to assess whether China and Japan’s strategies have both followed a similar economic diplomacy strategy when engaging with third countries and the corresponding projects, the Belt...Show moreThis thesis aims to assess whether China and Japan’s strategies have both followed a similar economic diplomacy strategy when engaging with third countries and the corresponding projects, the Belt and Road Initiative and the Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy. While a specific motivation can be hard to pinpoint, the economic diplomacy tools they used are identifiable from agreements, public correspondence by officials or news articles that discuss reactions to the projects. Considering the case studies and the blueprints of the Free and Open Indo Pacific strategy and the Belt and Road Initiative, it is possible to conclude that Japan follows with the FOIP nearly the same or at least a very similar strategy to the BRI of China. The case studies do not always remain within the established movements of the BRI and FOIP in the used framework. The movements are along the axes of economic diplomacy primarily are between commercial and trade diplomacy. China in particular shows that it is willing to go further than Japan with using the tools of commercial diplomacy. Moreover, China is also willing to go further than Japan if they are not getting a formal participation in the BRI from another country, compared to the FOIP.Show less
The EU currently faces a challenge to adopt a unified approach to control Chinese IFDI in the CEE region. It is commonly assumed that the securitization of Chinese influence and the measures in...Show moreThe EU currently faces a challenge to adopt a unified approach to control Chinese IFDI in the CEE region. It is commonly assumed that the securitization of Chinese influence and the measures in place obstruct efficient regulation of (Chinese) IFDI. This thesis aims to determine to what extent the EU can respond in a uniform way to protect European strategic infrastructure assets from China’s investment ambitions in the CEE region. More specifically, this research will analyse the effectiveness of the current measures adopted by the EU to control Chinese IFDI and it will examine the possible obstruction of a uniform approach towards regulation by considering the West-European bias, in particular the Franco-German dominance. To answer the research question, the research will make use of an in-depth case study on the Budapest-Belgrade railway project and will use neoliberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework. The results revealed weaknesses in the EU measures and shortcomings in the EU’s effectiveness as the result of a fragmented Union and a biased approach to regulate Chinese IFDI. The results suggest a re-evaluation of the EU’s strategy to ensure an effective and unified approach.Show less
Parsimonious system-based theories take center stage within the scholarly field of International Relations. Assuming the international system to be the key determinant of international politics,...Show moreParsimonious system-based theories take center stage within the scholarly field of International Relations. Assuming the international system to be the key determinant of international politics, they aim to explain any geopolitical event. Utilizing 60 speeches from United States presidents Obama and Trump, and employing China’s Belt and Road Initiative as an important divide, this thesis will examine the role of agency, through the individual leadership of both Obama and Trump, within the realm of international politics.Show less
China and Europe have significantly expanded their economic relations in recent years. However, this cooperation has developed at a slower pace in the political realm. Both actors expressed their...Show moreChina and Europe have significantly expanded their economic relations in recent years. However, this cooperation has developed at a slower pace in the political realm. Both actors expressed their willingness to translate their economic ties into a “strategic partnership” which will allow China and Europe to represent more of a building blocks in the international system. The main narrative in the EU-China literature is that China and Europe are too ideologically distant and thus, they will never achieve a strong partnership that goes beyond economic cooperation. Moreover, the literature presents China as an assertive actor that is looking outward just to gain economic and political advantages and the sympathy of like-minded countries. It is not a surprise that when in March 2019 the Italian government decided to join China in the construction of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), The US and other major European countries have highly criticized Italy’s naïveté. Contributing to critical scholarship, this thesis engages in constructivist theory to analyse the different identities and normative drivers underlying European and Chinese BRI discourse. This thesis argues that European and Chinese identities are not fixed concepts and since the establishment of the BRI, Europe and China have presented themselves with divergent identities. This thesis aimed to provide an answer to the question why, and to what extent, Italian participation in the BRI proves that, despite some important normative differences that underline EU-China relations, in reality, EU members can overcome this identity clash and engage in a constructive dialogue with China that is neither detrimental nor dangerous for the EU. This thesis offers a contribution to the realist dominated BRI literature by outlining the constructivist forces that shape EU-China relations. The finding of this research add a constructivist voice to the ongoing debate around the BRIShow less
The 2001 war in the Islamic State of Afghanistan has devastated the lives and livelihoods of millions of Afghans, and drew in the international community in the pursuit of establishing a peaceful...Show moreThe 2001 war in the Islamic State of Afghanistan has devastated the lives and livelihoods of millions of Afghans, and drew in the international community in the pursuit of establishing a peaceful Afghanistan. On the 29th of February 2020, the US and the Taliban signed an agreement to bring peace to Afghanistan, the Doha Agreement. While the peace developments remain in uncharted territory, China has been taken on a more prominent role in supporting the peace processes in Afghanistan by facilitating peace talks, fostering regional cooperation through the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan (RECCA). Then, how is China’s broader engagement in Afghanistan contributing to the peacebuilding processes in Afghanistan? By using a combined approach to peacebuilding, this research reviews China's contribution in the dimensions of jump-starting the national economy, re-establishing the framework of governance, repairing key transportation, communication and utility networks, rebuilding key social infrastructure, assisting local population, demine where applicable and normalise financial borrowing and the Chinese behaviour toward the non-state armed actor, the Taliban. This research concludes that China's involvement does not conclusively contribute to, nor hinder, the peacebuilding efforts. Rather, China’s contributions to the Afghan peace occur largely in the economic sphere, through investment in Afghan infrastructure and the normalisation of financial borrowing, and by posing as a mediator between parties involved in the Afghan conflict, notably the Taliban.Show less
The thesis investigated if the Chinese Belt Road Initiative has brought changes in trade and investment to the economies of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Quantitative data was collected from a myriad of...Show moreThe thesis investigated if the Chinese Belt Road Initiative has brought changes in trade and investment to the economies of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Quantitative data was collected from a myriad of resources to compare the levels of trade and investment between 2010-2018. Overall, BRI has not brought changes to the economies as world affairs are a much stronger force that affect the countries and their ability to grow and develop.Show less
In recent years, the expanding role of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) under the realm of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has drawn worldwide attention and has sparked academic and...Show moreIn recent years, the expanding role of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) under the realm of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has drawn worldwide attention and has sparked academic and policy debates about the attendant risks and benefits of Chinese FDI for recipient countries such as Serbia. The Serbian tradition of non-alignment in foreign affairs, its progress towards EU accession and warm relations with Russia make the country a very significant geopolitical intersection. For these reasons, the case of Chinese FDI in Serbia and its role in EU-Serbian accession negotiations is the central issue in this research. This thesis considers two central theoretical aspects: it considers whether and to what extent Chinese FDI in EU candidate countries is driven primarily by efforts to circumvent EU regulations and it considers arguments for Chinese FDI as an instigator for economic development and growth in Serbia. It employs a case study design that draws on directed content analysis, construing EU-Serbian relations as a particular case or instance of EU relations with EU candidate countries receiving FDI from China. The main finding of this research is that the role of Chinese FDI is dominated by several other issues that receive greater priority in EU-Serbian negotiations.Show less
The concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China...Show moreThe concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China aims to be leading in sustainable development. Their Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) could secure that leading role at a global scale. Nonetheless, many scholars argue that this project is far from sustainable. Others refute this criticism and state that the BRI has the most potential for sustainable development. This thesis aims to investigate this debate by answering the following question: To what extent is ecologically sustainable development implemented within the Chinese BRI Railroad projects in Sub-Saharan African Countries? A qualitative data analysis (small-N) will answer this question. The conditions of sustainable development will be compared to practice by studying three railroad projects. This thesis will view sustainable development through an ecological lens with a focus on Strong Sustainability. This thesis analyses how the projects relate to the criteria of Strong Sustainability: protecting and promoting biodiversity, sustainable water management and carbon emission reductions. The results show that the SGR projects do attribute to the Sustainable Development Goals. Still, they could have done more to make the project genuinely sustainable; a lot of environmental concerns remain unaddressed within the projects. Therefore, these projects cannot be labelled as ecologically sustainable under the criteria of Strong Sustainability.Show less
Japan and China are competing for infrastructure projects in Southeast Asia. They have both launched their own international infrastructure development strategies: China’s Belt and Road Initiative...Show moreJapan and China are competing for infrastructure projects in Southeast Asia. They have both launched their own international infrastructure development strategies: China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Japan’s Partnership for Quality Infrastructure and Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy. This paper will investigate how China and Japan frame their respective strategies and how they occupy different roles in Southeast Asian infrastructure development.Show less
The following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual...Show moreThe following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual beneficial and a "win-win" situation for all participants, I was keen on verifying this statement and identify if this proclamation matches reality. For this purpose, the “Special Economic Zone” of Khorgos, which is located in Kazakhstan, was chosen. It is a project along the BRI, at the border of Kazakhstan and China. The project itself has not seen much media coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project. The general purpose of Khorgos is to boost the amount of traded goods as well as attract investment into the area. The chosen method of research aimed at analyzing speeches given by officials of both countries regarding the BRI as well as Khorgos specifically and from that derive a possible contrast with reality. The result of the research was, that, as the project came only recently into being, it disclosed several negative aspects such as the lack of information, clarity and entry barrier for third parties outside of China and Kazakhstan. Moreover, it turned out that the business advantages prevail heavily on the Chinese side. Khorgos is furthermore not as fruitful as initially anticipated by both parties. Additionally, it is likely that China will remain the main investor in the region and continue to seek to explore new trade corridors. along the BRI, at the border between Kazakhstan and China, which has not seen much coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project.Show less
