Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis traces the development of the kafala system in Bahrain from its modern origins in the British protectorate era until its reform in the first and second decade of the twenty-first...Show moreThis thesis traces the development of the kafala system in Bahrain from its modern origins in the British protectorate era until its reform in the first and second decade of the twenty-first century. It conducts a historical analysis based on archival evidence to elucidate the intricate interlocking of this trajectory with multiscalar, overlapping, and often competing social, economic, and political transformations. Material incentives, as well as domestic and regional political pressures, played a key role in this formulation. The history uncovered sheds important light on the critical shortcomings of recent reforms to Bahrain’s labour migration regime and the fundamental obstructions to change. It demonstrates that the persistent vulnerability of migrant workers under contemporary structures of kafala is inextricably linked to the workings of the global economy under the capitalist mode of production. Privileging this interconnection as the vantage point from which to consider labour migration regimes in the Gulf is crucial if we are to understand and assess the challenges to and opportunities for change.Show less
This thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States to normalize their relationships with Israel while building on IR literature. It explores the ties between the states from an economic and security perspective.Show less
This thesis analyses the determinants, of Iranian foreign policy towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia within, the regional sub-system, of the Middle East. Iranian foreign policy approach during two...Show moreThis thesis analyses the determinants, of Iranian foreign policy towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia within, the regional sub-system, of the Middle East. Iranian foreign policy approach during two regional crises- the- Bahraini and the Yemeni one- varies greatly and raises questions about the rationale of Iranian foreign policy towards Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This research tries to explain why Islamic Republic of Iran chose a militant approach in the Yemeni crisis whilst it opted for a passive approach in the Bahraini crisis. Furthermore, it seeks to discover what is the nature and the causality of Iran’s militant option in Yemen. This work is a qualitative research which use the case study of Yemeni Civil War, as a pattern of analysis. Through the lens of structural realism this research argues that the Iranian foreign policy posture towards Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is defensive in nature, and is aimed at the Iranian state’s survival and security maximization.Show less
Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
In 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February...Show moreIn 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February onwards, citizens demanded political, economic and social reforms. Most often, the situation there is presented in terms of a sectarian divide, but the thesis suggests that citizens were angered by restrictions to their right to muwatana, active citizenship. Through this analysis, particularly from the perspective of the citizenship approach, it becomes evident that the Bahraini regime has used citizenship as a tool of governance to keep control and to divide up the population. It has led to inequities between Sunnis and Shia, but also between Bahrainis and expats and between citizens from birth and naturalised citizens. Particularly, these groups are unequally represented in politics and society, have different opportunities to get employed and limited options to affect the political, social and economic outlook of their country. These factors have caused resentment among the population, stimulating them to rise up and seek other channels to have an impact.Show less
In de archeologie van het Nabije Oosten zijn zegels veel en uitgebreid bestudeerde objecten. Deze studie richt zich echter vooral op de afbeeldingen op de zegels, en op de rol van de zegels in...Show moreIn de archeologie van het Nabije Oosten zijn zegels veel en uitgebreid bestudeerde objecten. Deze studie richt zich echter vooral op de afbeeldingen op de zegels, en op de rol van de zegels in handel. In deze scriptie kijk ik naar de rol en de waarde van zegels in een Bronstijd samenleving op Bahrein, niet in eerste plaats aan de hand van de afbeeldingen erop, maar vooral naar de archeologische context van de zegels. Ik behandel de verschillende plaatsen in het dorp waar de zegels gevonden zijn, en aan de hand daarvan probeer ik mijn onderzoeksvragen te beantwoorden.Show less
