Several Belarusian artists began including re-appropriated folkloric imagery and art-making techniques in response to anti-dictatorial protests, which erupted in Belarus on May 24th, 2020 following...Show moreSeveral Belarusian artists began including re-appropriated folkloric imagery and art-making techniques in response to anti-dictatorial protests, which erupted in Belarus on May 24th, 2020 following the rigged elections. Rufina Bazlova was one such artist, who documented the protest events in The History of the Belarusian Vyzhyvanka (2020-2021). This digitally-native artwork was mechanically embroidered to mimic traditional Belarusian cross-stitch embroidery on linen shirts- vyshyvankas. Using Bazlova as a case study, this paper examines how, and to what extent, the interweaving of digital and folk-storytelling in contemporary Belarusian art contributes to the representation of a post-2020 Belarusian identity, perpetuated across mass- media since 2020. In exploring this investigation through Peircean semiotics and anthropological methodologies, this thesis shows: how folkloric imagery and material heritage contribute to a distinctly Belarusian identity through their indexical and symbolic meaning, which also gives them anti-colonial agency; and how their contemporary re-contextualisation within the digital creates a historical continuity between former oppositional identities and a uniquely digital, post-2020 identity. In doing so, this research targets a common misconception of a lacking Belarusian culture and identity.Show less
An overview of the Belarusian foreign policy of the past 5 years not including the ongiong situation on Ukraine. Looking with mostly realist views at the evolution of the Belarusian foreign policy,...Show moreAn overview of the Belarusian foreign policy of the past 5 years not including the ongiong situation on Ukraine. Looking with mostly realist views at the evolution of the Belarusian foreign policy, this paper has found, that Belarus has, after a period of decline in relations, been slowly looking to rekindle past relations.Show less
The purpose of this study is to gain insights on how the causes of the EU-Belarus border crisis are framed by Belarusian state-controlled media by answering the research question: in what ways do...Show moreThe purpose of this study is to gain insights on how the causes of the EU-Belarus border crisis are framed by Belarusian state-controlled media by answering the research question: in what ways do Belarusian state-controlled media use framing tactics in their reporting to explain the EU-Belarus border crisis? This research employs qualitative thematic analysis on 32 selected articles from two major Belarusian news outlets to explain how the frames are constructed and what framing techniques are used. This research found that four major meta-narratives can be distinguished, that are supported by several frames: the EU has caused the crisis itself; the EU, Poland and the Baltic states have something to gain, the West has caused the crisis due to involvement in the Middle East; and the US and NATO want war in the region as to weaken Russia. Four additional frames support these meta-narratives: violence; human rights; nazi’s in the military; and Belarus as a victim. This research found that the Belarusian statecontrolled media construct narratives that support meta-narratives through which the conflict can be seen and understood. Reasoning devices in combination with the framing tactics of one-sided reporting, omittance of information and disinformation are used in constructing these frames and narratives.Show less
As diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of...Show moreAs diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of war. In 2013, president Vladimir Putin declared the Russian Federation “a defender of traditional conservative values against what it considers an assault of genderless and fruitless so-called tolerance” (Ragozin 2013). Russia is thus making an effort to lead by example in disapproving of non-traditional sexual orientations, and offering an alternative to Western liberalism. One of the most visible components of this 'traditional values' alternative, is a collection of implicit anti-LGBT laws imposed in Russia since 2013, which some scholars have labelled as a form of non-Western soft power. This thesis builds on that literature and assesses to what extent Russia has been successful in using its anti-LGBT Traditional Values discourse and policies as a foreign policy tool.Show less
Academic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were...Show moreAcademic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were common, with journalists and scholars going to lengths as to which post-Soviet republic with a sizeable Russian-speaking population would be the next ‘domino’ in the ‘domino effect’ that Crimea was argued to bring about. Much has been written about Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ since, but much less has been written about the factors favorable to the hypothesized replication of ‘Crimea’ for individual cases such as Belarus. By transforming Laruelle’s study of Russian secessionism in Kazakhstan into a more broadly applicable analytical framework, this thesis ultimately suggests that the conditions in Belarus – the lack of focus of ‘compatriot issues’ in Russia-Belarus relations, the difficulty of delineating a ‘Russian part’ of Belarus and its population, and the lack of a grassroots organizational framework – are ultimately unfavorable to Russian-sponsored secessionism.Show less
The thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian...Show moreThe thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian Economic Union.Show less
In this thesis, it is researched how local initiatives regarding national identity in the city of Lida relate to the official political rhetoric about national identity. The ideas of Belarus as a...Show moreIn this thesis, it is researched how local initiatives regarding national identity in the city of Lida relate to the official political rhetoric about national identity. The ideas of Belarus as a European nation, Belarus as a neutral and self-sufficient nation and Belarus as a geopolitically predetermined nation are used as a framework in which the official political rhetoric and local initiatives in Lida are analysed. The conclusion of the thesis is that there is a discrepancy in Belarusian society regarding the official form of national identity and the local form present in Lida's society.Show less
This thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign...Show moreThis thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign policy responded to the case of Abkhazia’s self-proclaimed independence?" is that the response can be divided into three time periods of ignoring, partially recognizing and opposing Abkhazia. The main causes identified for the way Belarus responded can be found in the EU - Russia conflict rather than the Abkhazian case individually.Show less
This work studies the Russia-Belarus and EU-Belarus relations in the post-Crimean period with the aim of explaining why after the initial steps away from the Russian influence in the early 2014,...Show moreThis work studies the Russia-Belarus and EU-Belarus relations in the post-Crimean period with the aim of explaining why after the initial steps away from the Russian influence in the early 2014, Belarus eventually decided to return back. Belarus shares many key characteristics with Crimea, creating a potential threat to Belarusian sovereignty and narrowing down the possible scope of maneuvering for Belarus in the post-Crimean age. Thus, initially a thaw was noted between Belarus and the EU. The factors studied in this thesis are economics, public opinion trends, political trends as well as the perceptive of Lukashenka himself. These factors demonstrate that at this moment, unless various economic and political reforms take place, Belarus yields more from a closer relationship with Russia as Moscow can and is willing to offer more incentives than Brussels. The study follows the act of balance framework, which explains any derivations from the Russia direction as attempts at maximum short-term gains rather than long-term changes.Show less
This thesis looked at the importance of oil in the economic performance of Belarus. In particular, it assessed how the Belarus, a country with no significant oil resources within its borders,...Show moreThis thesis looked at the importance of oil in the economic performance of Belarus. In particular, it assessed how the Belarus, a country with no significant oil resources within its borders, turned into a de-facto oil dependent economy.Show less
This thesis approaches the founding fathers of the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) through liberal intergovernmentalism, a theory of regional integration originally used to analyse European...Show moreThis thesis approaches the founding fathers of the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) through liberal intergovernmentalism, a theory of regional integration originally used to analyse European integration. The aim of this thesis is to show how this theory can help answering the question as to why the founding members of the EaEU chose to establish this union. This thesis focuses on the national preferences of the three founding members, as well as their effectiveness during interstate bargaining negotiations. By doing so, this thesis adds its own conclusions to the ongoing discussion regarding the nature of the EaEU.Show less
In this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have...Show moreIn this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have been catechized through pro-Kremlin media, to destabilize an adversary state and allow the intervening state deniability of involvement. The goal of this thesis was to determine if such a deniable intervention could be replicated by Russia in other states and therefore constitutes a regional threat. Four conditions were identified as having an influence on the efficaciousness of a deniable intervention. Consequently an empirical analysis was made to ascertain the extent to which these conditions are present in four cases: Belarus, Estonia, Latvia and Kazakhstan.Show less
