Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found...Show moreSince the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found to pursue a foreign policy strategy of strategic hedging between China as a rising power, and the United States (US) as their long-time ally. However, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region also plays a key role in the execution of this New Silk Road. Despite this, there is a gap in the literature regarding how these states may respond to the rise of China through this new initiative. Egypt, which holds a significant position in the transportation routes due to its dominance of the Suez Canal, is a key player in this initiative, but remains overlooked in discussion about the BRI’s role in the new world order. Therefore, this thesis aims to investigate to what extent Egypt is using the BRI and increased Chinese influence to hedge against the US. Drawing on the emerging theory of strategic hedging, this study assesses the theory’s applicability to the case study of Egypt as a secondary power in the MENA region. Through qualitative analysis of key economic and military factors, as well as expert interviews, this analysis provides two main findings. Firstly, Egypt is pursuing a hedging strategy towards the US through increased economic engagement with China. Secondly, this strategy is characterized by economic hedging, a less competitive form of hedging that allows Egypt to maintain relatively more positive relations with the US. Finally, this thesis suggests that further research should focus on detailed data regarding Egyptian domestic factors, and the applicability of hedging to other BRI participants in the MENA region, to provide a more comprehensive exploration of strategic hedging in International Relations (IR) theory.Show less
In recent years, China has thoroughly changed its position on climate justice and climate governance. They have went from advocating for climate justice and for their right to industrialize to...Show moreIn recent years, China has thoroughly changed its position on climate justice and climate governance. They have went from advocating for climate justice and for their right to industrialize to making global climate governance a key part of their national and international identity. The Green Belt and Road Initiative has been a key factor in how China now profiles itself. In this paper, I argue how the Green Belt and Road Initiative can play a role in China’s global climate leadership ambitions, but also highlight some of its flaws that could hinder it instead.Show less
Countries in Southeast Asia in the 21st century are both dependent on China when it comes to economic affairs such as trade, but also infrastructure investment. At the same time, these countries...Show moreCountries in Southeast Asia in the 21st century are both dependent on China when it comes to economic affairs such as trade, but also infrastructure investment. At the same time, these countries are in conflict with China, about the South China Sea, in which China claims a bigger part of this sea than Southeast Asia would like. This thesis discusses the following research question: Why do Southeast Asian countries maintain Chinese infrastructure investments despite the territorial dispute about the South China Sea?Show less
This thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by Azerbaijani and Chinese politicians – asserting that the BRI has promoted Azerbaijan's economic growth – align with economic realities. This is examined through four facets: the BRI’s role in Azerbaijan's emergence as a transit hub, economic diversification, overall economic growth, and Sino-Azerbaijani cooperation beyond the transport sector. The results seem to suggest an association between BRI partnership and positive economic changes, such as economic diversification and GDP growth. However, the assertion that the BRI is the sole driver of these changes is premature, considering other influencing factors and the recent establishment of the BRI. Therefore, while political rhetoric may not entirely match the economic reality, the findings suggest potential for future bilateral benefits and economic growth. A need for further long-term research is needed to solidify any of the conclusions.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) represents China’s biggest infrastructure development project ever, which aims to enhance the connection between China and the rest of the world. This initiative...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) represents China’s biggest infrastructure development project ever, which aims to enhance the connection between China and the rest of the world. This initiative is based on the trade network that connected Afro-Eurasia in antiquity, today commonly referred to as the Silk Road(s). This thesis aims to investigate the influence that Chinese politics have on archaeological work in the countries involved in the BRI, and how these are used to legitimize narratives of historical “friendship” between China and these countries. By studying the modern literature about the use of archaeology and history in the design of the BRI, as well as discussing the BRI-Chinese archaeological campaigns within the framework of heritage and archaeological theory, this thesis is a contribution to the wider topic of the political use of archaeology. Many joint Sino-foreign archeological projects have been started in correspondence and after the presentation of the BRI in 2013. Two examples are the projects in Kenya and Oman, aimed at identifying the passage of the Ming admiral Zheng He and his fleet in these countries as reported in the historical records. The methodology adopted by Chinese archaeologists presents several controversial issues. Their theoretical and practical approach echoes the culture-historical paradigm of 19/20th-century Western nationalist archaeology. This can be seen as the result of the influence of Chinese nationalism on archaeological work. Chinese archaeology has a heavy nationalist imprint, and aims to strengthen the Chinese national identity and its cultural roots. This aspect is going to characterize the essence of Chinese archaeology more and more in the future, as advocated by President Xi Jinping and supported by Chinese archaeologists themselves. Even though there is a will by the Chinese to enhance cooperation in the field with other countries, this thesis demonstrates that their methodology is mostly incompatible with modern world archaeology. Furthermore, I state the importance for archaeologists to separate their political views from their work, in order to carry on scientifically objective research. Further discussion is needed on the topic of international archaeological cooperation and its inclusion in academic education, especially regarding countries characterized by a high nationalist sentiment like in the case of China.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the reality of an externally initiated attempt to integrate the Chinese and European economies, without being asked for permission. China’s strategy has been a bottom up approach, reaching out to individual EU-member states and their publics with ambitions for bilateral agreements and mutual cooperation. Meanwhile, frictions caused by perceived incompatible political differences have been a source of turbulence for Sino-EU relations for decades. The impact of the BRI on these relations remains obscure, warranting research efforts. This thesis asks specifically how the BRI affects EU foreign policy towards China, using the pathways of connection framework to make inferences. The framework, founded in realism, liberalism and constructivism, takes a relational and practitioner-centred approach. To gather data, explaining-outcome process tracing is employed as a method, trying to provide minimally sufficient evidence to explain the occurrence of the phenomenon under study. The study finds that the BRI affects the EU and EU foreign policy in a broad range of categories, as China rigorously pursues its foreign policy interests. It concludes that Chinese efforts are met negatively by the EU, who in return tries to fortify its defences to prevent the BRI from growing roots on the European continent.Show less
The world is changing rapidly, and power balances are altering as new big powers gain clout in various global issues. Through the provision of credit and projects like the Belt and Road Initiative,...Show moreThe world is changing rapidly, and power balances are altering as new big powers gain clout in various global issues. Through the provision of credit and projects like the Belt and Road Initiative, China is increasing its influence in the economies of developing states. While strengthening its position and increasing leverage within the global economy, it is bringing different values to the international arena. This increased Chinese influence can be considered a challenge to the international community, whose states long have dominated the global economy and the global provision of credit. Therefore, the perception of the international community, in relation to its own global economic status, of China’s increased economic influence in developing states was analysed in this paper. Their perceptions have been analysed through qualitative content analysis, using Schweller’s theory of balanced interests (1994). Analysis revealed differences within the international community – whereas the United States appears to be willing to balance Chinese development efforts and protect its own dominant position, this does not go for all European states. The United States and Europe seem to have different interests for their future and distinct contextual and economic factors influencing their perceptions.Show less
This research investigates China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) engagement in Serbia and Montenegro and has identified two potential conditions which explain the differences in the outcome of the...Show moreThis research investigates China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) engagement in Serbia and Montenegro and has identified two potential conditions which explain the differences in the outcome of the two countries. Between 2013 and 2022, China has engaged through the BRI with Serbia and Montenegro. This led to two different outcomes for the similar-looking countries, where Montenegro seemed less pleased with engagement than Serbia. This research aimed to identify underlying conditions that could explain the differences through a qualitative case study that applies historical institutionalism. The two countries were investigated individually to identify the levels of engagement and whether there were critical junctions in the two cases. The Serbian critical juncture is more of a pattern of (un)taken actions in decision-making by the Serbian government benefitting Chinese engagement. In the case of Montenegro, the Bel-Boljare highway can be identified as a clear critical juncture. However, due to certain assumptions in the media and political landscape, it has been portrayed as a Chinese debt trap. Consequently, the two cases were compared to see the similarities and differences and identify a possible explanation for why the outcomes differed. This study has identified two conditions that can explain the differences: the geographical position of Serbia and the geopolitical position of both countries.Show less
Despite an increasing amount of research focusing on the relations between a rising China and developing countries, limited research is available on the implications for smaller countries, and by...Show moreDespite an increasing amount of research focusing on the relations between a rising China and developing countries, limited research is available on the implications for smaller countries, and by extension Laos. Within this research gap, the objective of this paper is to understand Chinese influence on changing employment patterns in the Lao market service sector, in the context of Lao individuals' experiences. Through the analysis of primary research, more specifically interviews of different clusters of the Lao population, this study observes the increasingly distinct impacts that China has had on the daily life of Lao people. Evidently, this is facilitated through an increase in infrastructure foreign direct investments (FDI), and an expanding Chinese diaspora. Thus, this research demonstrates that Chinese presence affects today's Lao labor at multiple levels, while also impacting future employment patterns within the country. This ultimately poses questions as to long-term consequences on national economic development.Show less
Abstract In 2012, China established the 17+1-forum together with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It combined the forum in 2015 with the Belt and Road Initiative, an enormous Chinese...Show moreAbstract In 2012, China established the 17+1-forum together with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It combined the forum in 2015 with the Belt and Road Initiative, an enormous Chinese infrastructure investment project. The EU deems the forum problematic because it divides Member States (MSs) in terms of relations with China, preventing the EU from taking a common position on China. The EU fears that this and other consequences will deteriorate its functioning and security. However, despite the EU’s fears, twelve EU MSs still participate in the forum. This raises an important question: Why do governments of BRI-17+1-forum participants that are also EU MSs choose to cooperate with China, despite that the EU fears that this will deteriorate its functioning and security? The literature gives several arguments for this, but this thesis will only test whether one of these arguments, whether these EU MSs have come to see cooperation with China in the forum as “a viable alternative to the EU project” respectively, is a valid answer to this question. Based on case studies of Hungary, Lithuania, and Slovakia and the application of shelter theory, it is concluded that this argument played a role in the decision of these countries to participate in the BRI-17+1-forum. However, the study also shows that Lithuania, and to a lesser extent Slovakia, have started to consider the forum less important because expectations are not met and because of the risks involved in cooperating with China.Show less
This paper provides insight into the nature of Sino-Cambodian relations in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative and a country-specific perspective through a research method based on...Show moreThis paper provides insight into the nature of Sino-Cambodian relations in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative and a country-specific perspective through a research method based on empirical findings and academic debates within the secondary literature on this topic and its research objectives. It has analysed and compared various perceptions on Cambodia’s ruling party and its motives to engage with China economically and politically through the BRI. This has been supported by the acquired facts on Cambodia’s crackdown on the opposition, the events surrounding the 2018 elections, client- patron structures, and trends of political and economic reliance. Furthermore, to acquire data of public opinion on Hun Sen’s increased cooperation with China, this paper has analysed Cambodian opinion pieces on Sino-Cambodian relations using interpretive, qualitative content analysis. It has therefore conducted an analysis of Cambodia’s ruling party, its objectives, and the implications for the political environment viewing China’s active role in providing political and economic support through the BRI. Consequently, this paper has found that Chinese aid and investments have been important to Hun Sen’s government in containing the opposition through political and media repression. Through the BRI, China’s non- interfering aid and investments enabled the ruling party to use more authoritarian measures against a growing political resistance.Show less
With a ubiquitous contemporary discourse on China’s hegemonic rise and current territorial disputes in the South China Sea, China’s historical rivals joining the major power’s grand economic...Show moreWith a ubiquitous contemporary discourse on China’s hegemonic rise and current territorial disputes in the South China Sea, China’s historical rivals joining the major power’s grand economic projects seems anomalous. This paper will show that despite historically problematic China-Vietnam relations, Vietnam still agreed upon joining the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) due to a dependence on China for national survival. More specifically, an economic interdependence forces Vietnam to cooperate with China on projects like the BRI, as Vietnam’s regime legitimation relies on economic growth. This reality is more so related to the implications of Vietnam hypothetically refusing, than to agreeing to join however. Defection instead of cooperating on the BRI, would make Vietnam’s economic growth precarious as Vietnam is familiar with how China reciprocates these choices. Although this still leaves multiple factors forcing Vietnam’s BRI membership an unlikely reality, this paper will show that these factors are overridden by the US as a significant actor when it comes to Vietnam's cooperation on the BRI. And when it comes to reasons why China has decided to integrate a ‘historical enemy’ into the BRI, one will find that China’s contemporary dependence on Vietnam is a significant variable in the matter. These findings will be made apparent by applying game theory’s prisoner's dilemma to the bilateral event of Vietnam joining China’s grand economic initiative.Show less
