Since 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be...Show moreSince 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be observed. Subsequently, fear and distrust in youth among communities arise, where young Nigerians are perceived as inherently dangerous, feared to be involved with Boko Haram. The emergence this stereotype has profound implications for the position of youth in society and prompts questions regarding the factors that contribute to the perpetuation of this stereotype. Therefore, this research aims to explore how youth in northeast Nigeria are portrayed through public and policy discourse, especially in regards to Boko Haram. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis as the methodological framework, this research critically scrutinizesif the Nigerian media, politicians and policymakers depict youth as a threat to society. Findings of the discourse analysis reveal a prevailing negative rhetoric surrounding youth in northeast Nigeria. They are presented as a demographic who are often unemployed and excluded from society. Additionally, young Nigerians are consistently associated with recruitment, radicalization, crimes and involvement in violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram. All these components appear interconnected, revealing a vicious cycle of stigmatization and violence. Drawing upon securitization theory, this research concludes that media, policymakers and politicians wield their influence to portray youth as a threatening actor to society, contributing to the perpetuation of a detrimental narrative that further fuels stigmatization and marginalization of youth in northeast Nigeria.Show less
The people of the Lake Chad Basin area have been suffering under long periods of violence and bad governance. On top of these problems the region has historically had a lower GDP per person than...Show moreThe people of the Lake Chad Basin area have been suffering under long periods of violence and bad governance. On top of these problems the region has historically had a lower GDP per person than the rest of Nigeria, which is linked to a vulnerability to civil war. These issues have received much attention over the years, but little progress has been made in developing the region. State presence is low, with local governments abandoning the basin because of the threat of Boko Haram. This thesis argues that how three institutions, the government, Boko Haram, and the traditional authorities interact with each other is at the core of the lack of progress in breaking the vicious cycle of underdevelopment in the Nigerian part of the Lake Chad Basin. For a while the Nigerian state made little effort to assert its hegemony over the Lake Chad Basin. However, neglect of this area gave space to other groups to assert themselves. Nigeria did not feel the need to assert its control over the region because they were not dependent on that area. The discovery of oil which coincided with Nigerian independence made the federal government less reliant on tax income from the northern state which meant there was little to gain for the federal government in the Lake Chad Basin.Show less
Questions why Nigeria's counterterrorism and counterinsurgency actions have not been overly successful, particularly in the case of Boko Haram. This is done by comparing their actions against a...Show moreQuestions why Nigeria's counterterrorism and counterinsurgency actions have not been overly successful, particularly in the case of Boko Haram. This is done by comparing their actions against a theoretical framework built on academic literature pertaining to successful counterterrorism and counterinsurgency strategies.Show less
The main aim of this thesis is to investigate how framing through prominent Nigerian newspapers has an effect on Boko Haram’s narrative. More specifically, it utilizes existing content and...Show moreThe main aim of this thesis is to investigate how framing through prominent Nigerian newspapers has an effect on Boko Haram’s narrative. More specifically, it utilizes existing content and discourse analyses to discover in which ways the two Nigerian newspapers ‘the Punch’ and the ‘Daily Trust’ use framing techniques to shape particular narratives surrounding Boko Haram. In addition, the purpose of this thesis is to offer alternative perspectives on dominant components within the ‘newspaper-narrative’ to allow for a more nuanced and diverse consideration of Boko Haram. Lastly, the results are contextualized by situating them in the broader debate regarding the framing of terrorism. This thesis concludes that the negative consequences of terrorism-framing in relation to Boko Haram are similar to the ones exposed by the global debate. Although the range of these issues is broad, this study concluded two particular consequences to be dominant. Firstly, it limits and negatively influences counter-terrorism options by presenting Boko Haram as a force that can only be dealt with in a violent matter. Secondly, unnuanced and disproportionate representations of Islam in relation to Boko Haram and other Islamic terrorist organizations has led to a significant rise of negative Muslim prejudice.Show less
According to the Global Terrorism Index, Nigeria’s Boko Haram is one of the worlds most deadly insurgencies. Even though there have been national as well as international efforts to try and halt...Show moreAccording to the Global Terrorism Index, Nigeria’s Boko Haram is one of the worlds most deadly insurgencies. Even though there have been national as well as international efforts to try and halt the sect, with the latest attack on June 16th 2018, they can still be seen as claiming many lives today. Looking at genocide according to the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime Genocide, it can be argued that Boko Haram is committing a genocide under international law. No definition of genocide is as internationally recognised and legally binding as the United Nations definition in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime Genocide. Despite this, throughout history the United Nations and the international community have been reluctant to name various crimes a genocide, as this would result to the increased legal and moral pressure for the international community to respond. An example is during the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Since this genocide, the United Nations has continuously claimed that genocides can never ‘happen again’. However, looking at Nigeria and Boko Haram there has been no claim of a genocide according to the United Nations. If the United Nations would officially recognise Boko Haram as committing a genocide under international law, the international community would legally be pressured to respond to the violence.Show less
This research was designed to identify and critically examine social-economic conditions of IDPs in 10 informal settlements in Abuja, Nigeria. Data were collected mainly in the face-to face...Show moreThis research was designed to identify and critically examine social-economic conditions of IDPs in 10 informal settlements in Abuja, Nigeria. Data were collected mainly in the face-to face interviews, observations and informal discussion group. The results show that IDPs in informal settlements are vulnerable and live in very poor conditions. The most alarming data is that some of them have not received any kind support from the Government in years. For this reason, it is important to fill the gap of knowledge in this field in order to provide authorities and other actors (NGOs and international organization) updated data.Show less
Ivory-poaching in Sub-Saharan Africa is increasingly framed as a global security concern by various instances that claim that terrorist networks are involved in the killing of elephants and the...Show moreIvory-poaching in Sub-Saharan Africa is increasingly framed as a global security concern by various instances that claim that terrorist networks are involved in the killing of elephants and the trade of their tusks. The poacher-as-terrorist narrative is used by these instances to legitimise the militarisation of anti-poaching efforts, which has serious consequences for local African communities and the fight against ivory-poaching. Even though the narrative has globally gained much attention, many people argue that the narrative is problematic, as evidence for the involvement of terrorist networks in ivory-poaching and the ivory-trade in Sub-Saharan Africa is lacking. By conducting a case study on the alleged involvement of Boko Haram in ivory-poaching and the trade of elephant tusks in the wider Lake Chad Basin, this thesis will research whether the threat of Boko Haram is used to support the poacher-as-terrorist narrative, and if this is problematic.Show less
The complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and...Show moreThe complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and stakeholders, requiring the right collaborations between local, regional and international institutions. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the African Union as a regional actor versus the United Nations as an international actor in addressing these complex challenges. The underlying motive is to research regional competences, difficulties and possibilities in the role as security actor. To do this, the regional and international response to the militant group Boko Haram in Nigeria is used to provide insight in the different dimensions of this conflict. It is argued that on the one hand, the African Union can act faster and is more relevant in cases of a regional conflict, but on the other hand suffers from a lack of neutrality. Besides this, the amount of resources and authority is limited, and financial means and legitimacy have mainly been provided by the United Nations up until now. Although the extent of influence is difficult to measure, the African Union has the potential to be of more significance and to increase its influence in effectively addressing regional conflicts on the African continent.Show less
The theory on (security) regionalism has shown that both the SCO and AU are considered to be part of ‘weak state IO’s’, which was proven through the variables put forward by Kelly. Both the SCO and...Show moreThe theory on (security) regionalism has shown that both the SCO and AU are considered to be part of ‘weak state IO’s’, which was proven through the variables put forward by Kelly. Both the SCO and AU strengthen sovereignty by turning the security dilemma inwards, so as to handle the issue themselves, with varying degrees of success. However, the AU is susceptible to intervention from above or from one of its members, if the situation is deemed sufficiently worrying and ‘grave circumstances’ have been observed. The relationships between the individual states and their regional organisations are significantly different, due to their own power projection capabilities. China’s power projection capability is the second largest in the world and will continue to improve, as military spending will increase. Meanwhile, Nigeria’s socio-economic and governance issues have been obstacles in acquiring sufficient growth and thus projecting power. This was also shown in the case study and the government’s approach to handling the issue, eventually leading to the formation of the MNJTF together with its mandate to defeat Boko Haram. By imposing hard-hitting measures on the region, China is able to keep terrorist attacks inside the country to a minimum, while allowing law enforcement agencies to catch-up with the terrorists. This is exactly how the CT theory was explained in theory and thus proves its efficacy in action. The African Union’s military approach has emerged through the lack of control Nigeria’s government has over its territory and lack of effective law enforcement measures. As Boko Haram spread across borders, a multinational task force was established to combat the group. It shows that the framework to combat terrorism established by the SCO RATS has a more effective approach. However, due to the nature of these autocratic regimes and the tendency of elites in these regimes to use the regional security organisations for the purpose of promoting their “collective internal security”, the chance remains high for abuses of power, suppression of minorities and human rights abuses. This is what the thesis found for the situation in China; with the contested designation of ETIM as a terrorist organization, and ‘loose’ framework in SCO RATS to designate all unwanted ‘activities’ as terrorism. Although it has proven significantly effective, the provisions in the SCO RATS are at times vague such as ‘preventive measures’, which could be used to manipulate or even infringe upon basic human rights. Therefore, this paper would recommend to implement a regional oversight committee, including neutral UN observers which would provide checks and balances on the military (hard) and law enforcement (soft) measures. This seems highly unlikely, China’s capabilities have proven to be effective in getting international recognition but handling the issue discreetly by itself. Therefore, for China or other SCO members to ask for outsiders to join contradicts the essence of what the SCO is in the eyes of China, a way to gain international legitimacy and recognition, but also a way to keep external influence out of the region and letting them handle the problem by their own.Show less
