Latin America is one of the most violent regions in the world. There have not been consistent policies to improve this situation in Latin America, due to lack of proper reform and bad cooperation...Show moreLatin America is one of the most violent regions in the world. There have not been consistent policies to improve this situation in Latin America, due to lack of proper reform and bad cooperation between state institutions. The Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora are a relatively new community policing program that has been implemented in Rio de Janeiro, in order to bring down violence in the favelas. The process of implementation of the UPPs of Santa Marta, Complexo do Alemão and Rocinha will be discussed and evaluated.Show less
Brazil is a nation whose streets pulsate with energy and vivacity. However, the streets of contemporary Brazil continue to be plagued with injustice; racism, poverty, marginalisation of groups,...Show moreBrazil is a nation whose streets pulsate with energy and vivacity. However, the streets of contemporary Brazil continue to be plagued with injustice; racism, poverty, marginalisation of groups, rainforest depletion and wealth disparity play a significant role in the lives of many local inhabitants. Thus, Brazil’s streets have quickly served as a unique platform for socio-political communication, upon which commentaries and critique of political systems or wrongdoings can be expressed freely. As such, the practice of street art has become a highly popular phenomenon to emerge across the region, tackling a plethora of issues with a creative flair. Fabio de Oliveira Parnaiba, more commonly known as Cranio, is a Brazilian street artist whose goal is to highlight the socio-political injustices of his country through his graffiti. Utilising an indigenous character placed in numerous situations and contexts, Cranio invites the local as well as the international population to re-contemplate the societies in which they exist. This thesis explores Cranio’s use of context, location, style and technique, to understand how graffiti can be used as a socio-political communicative and critical tool. Including a personal interview with Cranio, it strives to display the power of the arts in achieving a heightened socio-political awareness.Show less
This thesis examines to which extend the Doha declaration, made by the World Trade Organisation in 2001 which promotes the universal access to medication and aims to protect human health, has had...Show moreThis thesis examines to which extend the Doha declaration, made by the World Trade Organisation in 2001 which promotes the universal access to medication and aims to protect human health, has had an impact on the provision of AIDS medication. In addition, since research has claimed that the provision of AIDS medication causes a drop in AIDS-related mortality rates, the second question which the thesis aims to answer arises whether the provision of the AIDS medication indeed contributed to a higher decrease in the AIDS-related mortality rates. Both questions will be examined in the context of Brazil since this country was the first developing/middle-income country which implemented the provision of free AIDS medication as a national policy. In order to answer both questions, this thesis compares the data found concerning Brazil's provision of the AIDS medication and Brazil's AIDS-related mortality rates, between the period before and after the Doha declaration in 2001. The comparison of the data shows that a negligible difference can be find in the provision of AIDS medication before and after the Doha declaration in 2001. Nevertheless, the difference in the data of the AIDS-related mortality rates in Brazil is rather significant and represents a high decrease in the AIDS-related mortality rates after the implementation of the Doha declaration in 2001.Show less
Brazil’s heterodominant cultural climate subjects trans individuals to turbulent social realities emerging from their deferred styles of embodiment. Such realities are depicted by Pep Bonet in his...Show moreBrazil’s heterodominant cultural climate subjects trans individuals to turbulent social realities emerging from their deferred styles of embodiment. Such realities are depicted by Pep Bonet in his photodocumentary series All Imperfect Things. Through systematic visual analysis, paying particular attention to the different "ways of seeing" provided by Bonet, this research has as its objective the exploration of the effect to which the trans body is captured and displayed throughout the documentary. Through considerations of the body in conjunction with tendencies of documentary genre, space, and a sense of community, research has shown how Bonet subverts the reinforcement of Brazilian trans' powerlessness. What materialises is a humanizing way of representing which is both empowering and true to itself and the community depicted.Show less
Para o Brasil a geopolítica sempre foi uma questão extremamente relevante. Desde o tratado de Tordesilhas que o território brasileiro vem vivenciando transformações e alterações que o acompanham ao...Show morePara o Brasil a geopolítica sempre foi uma questão extremamente relevante. Desde o tratado de Tordesilhas que o território brasileiro vem vivenciando transformações e alterações que o acompanham ao longo da história. Podemos dizer que mais de metade do território brasileiro foi adquirido através de tratados e convenções internacionais, sendo uma parte mínima obtida através de guerras e conquistas. No século XXI há quase um século depois de o Barão do Rio Branco ter traçado as últimas linhas de fronteira a Oeste, abrem-se novas fronteiras a Leste onde a terra acaba e o mar começa. A delimitação da soberania brasileira no mar e as questões geopolíticas e geoestratégicas que delas levantam, constituem o próximo passo no ainda não delimitado Brasil que parece perpetuar uma tradição de expansão através de meios pacíficos. Este estudo tentará perceber como a defesa de uma área marítima que corresponde a metade do território brasileiro emerso tem relevantes implicações para a defesa de todo o país. Apesar de documentos oficiais como a Estratégia Nacional de Defesa afirmar que o Brasil é um país pacifico sem inimigos, não podemos deixar de considerar a existência de uma força militar pronta para defender toda a área soberana brasileira água, terra e ar.Show less
Since the end of the 20th century, Brazil has emerged as a global power in the international community. It expanded its regional and global influence in its own way. To achieve its foreign policy...Show moreSince the end of the 20th century, Brazil has emerged as a global power in the international community. It expanded its regional and global influence in its own way. To achieve its foreign policy goals, Brazil employs a strategy which can be traced back to 1907 and which has been used increasingly in the 21st century: health diplomacy. This thesis analyses how health diplomacy is incorporated in foreign policies of the Brazilian government in the 21st century. Moreover, it analyses how the Brazilian government uses health diplomacy by embedding the concepts of soft power and cosmopolitanism. The analysis assesses South-South Cooperation and four health issues: controlling tobacco consumption, fighting HIV/AIDS, fighting tuberculosis and preventing dengue. The goal of this analysis is to demonstrate how the Brazilian government uses health diplomacy as a foreign policy instrument to achieve its main goal: to become and be recognized as a global player.Show less
Historically, many types of public security reform policy have been tried and implemented in Brazil, ranging from demilitarizing the police; new penal codes; strengthening internal accountability...Show moreHistorically, many types of public security reform policy have been tried and implemented in Brazil, ranging from demilitarizing the police; new penal codes; strengthening internal accountability systems, and restructuring police forces; but so far, seemingly the most promising and popular approach has been community oriented policing (COP). Leaving behind the more traditional, militaristic styles of policing that dominate police discourse throughout the region of Latin America, COP is a preventive approach based on the idea that society is the first line of defence against crime and insecurity. It focuses on the causes of crime, which can motivate citizens, to engage in police community partnerships, and it attempts to use crime statistics more effectively. The focal points of this paper, therefore, is to investigate community oriented policing in Brazil, known as Unidade de Policia Pacificadora (UPP), and to critically assess its strengths and weaknesses in the context of urban landscapes of Rio de Janeiro in the 21st Century. The paper will seek to compare public security reform critiques, as well as make an in depth analysis of what factors determine the success or failures of police reform endeavours, particularly, those in El Salvador and Brazil. Theses critiques are centred around short term initiatives that fail to identify the main problems inherent with police in Latin America; the international community’s requirements for ‘democratic police’; and the states’ inability to alter the culture of ‘non-questioning military hierarchy’.Show less
Since the turn to democracy in 1985, Brazil has experienced a dramatic rise in violence in its big cities. This article will look at the rise in violence, attempting to research which parts of...Show moreSince the turn to democracy in 1985, Brazil has experienced a dramatic rise in violence in its big cities. This article will look at the rise in violence, attempting to research which parts of society are affected most by the violence. One of the main arguments is that Violence perpetuates poverty already present within Brazilian favela communities. Favelas communities endure most of the violence and as a result are often inhibited in their development. In order to see what effect the violence has to the development of favela inhabitants, this essay will use the Capability approach as developed by Martha S. Nussbaum, making it possible to look further than only monetary measurements of poverty when researching the effects of violenceShow less
“A República Federativa do Brasil buscará a integração económica, política, social e cultural dos povos da América Latina, visando à formação de uma comunidade latino-americana de nações” - 1988...Show more“A República Federativa do Brasil buscará a integração económica, política, social e cultural dos povos da América Latina, visando à formação de uma comunidade latino-americana de nações” - 1988 Brazilian Constitution In the Brazilian constitution of 1988 it was already determined that regional integration of Latin America on various levels would be of great relevance to Brazil’s future foreign policy strategies (Gratius and Saraiva 3). Throughout history, Brazil has used its geographical size, population, and large economy as motives for Brazil to expand its influence in the international order. Economically, Brazil has the 7th highest GDP in the world (World Bank). Much has been written about Brazilian foreign policy during various periods and under different leaders (Burges “Brazilian” 6). This thesis examines Brazil’s foreign policy during Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s and Dilma Rousseff’s presidencies. Through a theoretical framework of the concepts of pragmatism, autonomy, and regionalism, Brazil’s role in the international arena is examined. Although pragmatism and autonomy are relatively continuous elements of Brazilian foreign policy which have been discussed in academic literature extensively, their relation to the regional integration and increasing international influence of Brazil has not been researched as much. The theoretical framework thus aims to create a foundation on which further analysis of Brazil since 2003 can be based. Through a contextual analysis of post-Cold War Brazil in relation to the theoretical framework, insight is given in order to further understand Brazil’s foreign policy strategy since 2003. Thus by combining the theoretical framework with the historical background of Brazilian foreign policy, a case study of Brazilian foreign policy can be executed. Within the case study Brazil’s ambition to exert itself as a regional leader, and consequently gain influence in the international arena is discussed through Brazil’s position in Mercosur and other (regional) bodies. An analysis of Brazil’s foreign policy decisions under Lula and Rousseff regarding these aforementioned concepts give insight into the rising influence of Brazil. Furthermore, through this comparative analysis the policy implications for Brazil’s (near) future can be outlined. Thus this thesis answers the question in what ways has Brazil further established its regional and international presence through foreign policy decisions regarding regional bodies, such as Mercosur, since Lula became president in 2003? in order to gain greater insight into Brazil’s future position in the international order.Show less
This research tries to answer how the influence of labour unions can have a positive or negative effect on inequality during and after the neoliberal era. Neoliberalism is a broad concept referring...Show moreThis research tries to answer how the influence of labour unions can have a positive or negative effect on inequality during and after the neoliberal era. Neoliberalism is a broad concept referring to an economic paradigm that rose in the 1980s. It is built upon classical liberal thoughts on self-regulating markets. The best way to conceptualize it is to split neoliberalism into three intertwined categories: As an ideology, a mode of governance and as a policy package. It can be seen as an ideology, because decision-makers and economists see neoliberalism as the only way to achieve economic growth. The second category refers to certain modes of governance. Neoliberal modes of governance include the transformation of bureaucratic mentalities to entrepreneurial mentalities. The last category, neoliberalism embodies itself as a set of public policies in deregulation of the economy, liberalization of trade and industry and privatization of state-owned companies (Steger & Roy 2010: 11-14). Neoliberalism had positive effects such as economic growth. However, a striking effect is that it increased the gap between the rich and the poor. This was possible because neoliberal organisations possessed extensive resources, they had alliances with key elites, and had strong personal networks outside the government (Andrain 2014: 23). Consequently due to privatization the state provided less welfare and safety nets. Labour unions are one of the best social groups to defend the rights of the labourers and to advocate a more equal society. As Mcguire (1999) shows in his research it appears that great influence of labour unions have a negative effect on equality. In this research a comparative study will be made of Brazil and South Korea regarding the role of labour unions in the reduction of inequality.Show less
The intention of this thesis is to contribute to a broader understanding of what economic development means for inequality and poverty levels in Brazil. This thesis will focus on the period 2003...Show moreThe intention of this thesis is to contribute to a broader understanding of what economic development means for inequality and poverty levels in Brazil. This thesis will focus on the period 2003-2011, in which Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva was president. There are several reasons for choosing this timeframe. Lula was inaugurated right after Brazil was named one of the most important emerging economies, demonstrating the growing potential and role the Brazilian economy began to play worldwide. Furthermore, it has been mentioned that Lula’s presidency was unlike any other. He is said to have been truly dedicated to advancing economic growth, while also aiming for social change and reducing inequality levels. Can the three phenomena mentioned in the nexus be combined and tackled simultaneously? Consequently, by focusing on the Lula era (2011-2013) this thesis will attempt to answer the following research question; to what extent can economic growth go hand in hand with a reduction in poverty and inequality? Is this trinity possible?Show less
In Brazil, Afro-Brazilian Candomblé is one of the historically marginalized religions that recently became to attract many new devotees and took up a status as a national religion. The survival of...Show moreIn Brazil, Afro-Brazilian Candomblé is one of the historically marginalized religions that recently became to attract many new devotees and took up a status as a national religion. The survival of Candomblé is fascinating because, for much of its history, the white authorities in Brazil had done all they could in order to crush every aspect that kept the black people in Brazil connected to their African roots. The notion that Candomblé is nowadays a thriving religion in spite of its historical repression has motivated the main question of this thesis. This question asks how the Africans and their descendants managed to protect the Candomblé religion in a 19th century Brazil that was, on behalf of the authorities, marked by significant efforts to annihilate any other religion different from Catholicism. Based on a theory about social interaction, this thesis will argue that the African slaves were able to protect their Candomblé practices and rituals because they began to stage a single performance as a team, with the purpose of deceiving the white authorities. In addition, while the Africans and their descendants would collectively uphold a facade of conformity as soon as they interacted with their authorities, there was a continuation of Candomblé beliefs, practices, and rituals behind the scenes. This combination of a convincing façade of conformity on the one hand, and a secret continuation of Candomblé beliefs and practices on the other hand is what most clearly led to the protection of the religion in the 19th century.Show less
This thesis concludes that Gabriel Marcel’s notion of the spirit of abstraction provides us with important insights regarding how and why the Republican army was able to repress the community of...Show moreThis thesis concludes that Gabriel Marcel’s notion of the spirit of abstraction provides us with important insights regarding how and why the Republican army was able to repress the community of Canudos as viciously as it did. As put by Blundell, “The process of abstraction, which Marcel also refers to as primary reflection, “is, roughly speaking, purely analytical and (…) consists, as it were, in dissolving the concrete into its elements.””(p. 59). Once one of those elements is accorded, “isolated from all other categories, an arbitrary primacy, we are victims of the spirit of abstraction.” (Marcel, p. 155-156). By connecting his battle against the spirit of abstraction with issues such as fanaticism, the role of (communication) technology and the press, violence and war, religion and historiography, Marcel provides us with a unique perspective to use when analysing conflicts such as the Canudos War. Especially his emphasis on the role of language in the process of justifying war turned out to be particularly useful. As put by Johnson, “Naming, says De Certeau, is not “the ‘painting’ of a reality any more than it is elsewhere; it is a performative act organizing what it enunciates. It does what it says and constitutes the savagery it declares. (…) To understand subalternity thus is to side with the argument that it is a discursive effect.” (p. 30). Words, so it seems, are the primary vehicle through which the spirit of abstraction manifests itself.Show less
The goal of this essay is to prove that national identity, as perceived by the Russian leadership plays an important role in the making of Russian foreign policy. The thesis is that Russian...Show moreThe goal of this essay is to prove that national identity, as perceived by the Russian leadership plays an important role in the making of Russian foreign policy. The thesis is that Russian-Brazilian relations confirm this importance of identity in Russian foreign policy. Although Russia and Brazil share certain commonalities when it comes to the size of the countries and populations, the leadership potential that comes with that, the developments they have gone through over the past century, similarities in their economies and some of the social issues they face today, in a practical sense they do not have that much in common. Geographically, they are remote from one another, historically they have been on opposite sides of the Cold War and they have very different regime types, Brazil being a fully-fledged democracy whereas Russia boasts a hybrid regime with authoritarian traits. They could easily conduct their internal and external affairs without investing any time and effort in bilateral relations, as they more or less have done in the 1990s. Therefore, Moscow’s relations with Brasilia make an interesting case to explore the motivations behind, as they are neither self-explanatory nor indispensable. This essay does not aim to prove that Russian-Brazilian relations are essential to Russian foreign policy. As abovementioned, they clearly are not indispensable. The Russian leadership does identify Brazil as a key partner in Latin America and describes the relationship as being of strategic importance , and in recent years the Kremlin has attributed increasing importance to relations with Latin America, but there can be no doubt that the region takes a backseat to Europe, Asia and North-America in Russian foreign policy. This essay merely sets out to demonstrate that matters of national identity play a role in the making of Russian foreign policy, and aims to lend further credence to this thesis by analysing Russian-Brazilian relations. To this end, part I of this essay offers an analysis of Russian foreign policy in the 21st century, paying special attention to Realist tendencies and matters that seem to illustrate the importance of identity, whereas part II of this essay focuses on Russian-Brazilian relations and how these seem to indicate the importance of identity in Russian foreign policy.Show less
