The European Union (EU) has a substantially more united foreign policy than any other international organisation. Said expansive joint foreign policy has developed in an inhospitable setting where...Show moreThe European Union (EU) has a substantially more united foreign policy than any other international organisation. Said expansive joint foreign policy has developed in an inhospitable setting where its members hold widely different interests and perspectives on joint foreign policy. Given states’ tendency to jealously guard sovereignty over their foreign policy, how the EU’s foreign policy structures and instruments have been aggregated remains unclear. This paper addresses this via the question “Through what mechanism did the EU aggregate its foreign policy between 2014 and 2021?” and applies a modified ‘Failing Forward’ framework where foreign policy is aggregated via a process of problem-solving by problem-making resulting in an iterative institutionalisation causal mechanism. To analyse whether this mechanism is present, this study adopts a theory-testing process-tracing research method on the development of EU foreign policy structures and instruments from 2014 to 2021. It argues that the aggregation of the EU’s foreign policy relies on iterative intergovernmental and neofunctional processes establishing an integrative causal feedback loop. Examining how the EU aggregates foreign policy is valuable to both EU policymakers and actors within other international organisations seeking greater unison in their foreign policy and contributes to research on international integration in intergovernmental settings.Show less
This thesis will analyze the appointment of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR) after the Lisbon Treaties of 2009. While this position was established...Show moreThis thesis will analyze the appointment of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR) after the Lisbon Treaties of 2009. While this position was established in the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty, the Lisbon Treaties (2009) were highly influential in shaping the HR by providing increased competences and powers to the office. Where it had previously, from 1999 to 2009, only been a vague position to navigate with few official competences, the HR gained increased importance and status in the post-Lisbon European Union (EU). Accordingly, it would make sense to appoint an individual with ample experience in the field of foreign affairs to the office in the first post-Lisbon term. However, the desired HR position fell into the lap of a previous Trade Commissioner from the United Kingdom (UK), Catherine Ashton. In the following tenures, similar procedures occurred with the HR appointment over seemingly arcane criteria. This thesis provides evidence for the argument that the HR can be interpreted as a balancing factor at the EU’s highest table. Of the factors that contribute to the appointment of an individual to a leading position at the EU level, this thesis will argue that the balancing grid at the helm of the EU is the most influential factor in the appointment of the HR.Show less
In light of WTO trade rules that made it impossible for the EU to uphold its trade preference system with many least developed countries, among which are several (former) colonies of EU Member...Show moreIn light of WTO trade rules that made it impossible for the EU to uphold its trade preference system with many least developed countries, among which are several (former) colonies of EU Member States, the EU developed the ‘Everything But Arms’ trade preference program, unilaterally liberalizing trade with these countries. Currently, there are two criteria to benefit from the EBA scheme. Firstly, the country must be listed as a 'Least Developed Country' by the UN Committee for Development Policy, and secondly, these preferences can be withdrawn if the respective country ceases to adhere to fundamental human rights and certain labor rights. In light of Myanmar's violence against the Rohingya people in Rakhine State described by the UN as 'a textbook definition of ethnic cleansing,' the question over what factors determine the EU’s decision to keep Myanmar in the EBA program arise. This thesis unveils processes in the Council that led to adopting this particular foreign policy decision by systematically analyzing insights from EU policy documents and by interviewing EU representatives, answering the question as to why the EU chose to keep Myanmar in the EBA program.Show less
In the European debate on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) there has been little success in the achievement of a Union-wide security strategy. This sensitive area of national defense...Show moreIn the European debate on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) there has been little success in the achievement of a Union-wide security strategy. This sensitive area of national defense and security causes member states to rely on their own resources and capabilities in this field. The European Network and Infrastructure Security Agency (ENISA) was created in 2004. This agency gained more responsibilities and opportunities when their mandates were extended. Working in the field of cybersecurity, the Agency offers advice to member states on a voluntary basis, and works closely with industries in the private sector. As recent as December 2018, ENISA has the possibility to legislate in the field of common security. Does this Agency cautiously open the door to a Union with a Common Security Policy? As we will see there is an inevitable political influence of the Agency which underlines its relevance in the CFSP debate.Show less
In this thesis the IR-theories constructivism, liberalism and realism will be used in order to shed light on the security and defence policy of the European Union. Three recent developments affect...Show moreIn this thesis the IR-theories constructivism, liberalism and realism will be used in order to shed light on the security and defence policy of the European Union. Three recent developments affect the course of the integration process of this policy area. The first facet is the institutional change Brexit will bring about. The second facet is the cultural difference between the foreign policies of the United States and the European Union, which is enhanced by the election of Donald Trump as president of the US. The last facet is the geopolitical security dilemma that is imposed on the EU by Russia. In this research the impact of these three developments on the integration process of the EU’s security and defence policy will be analysed.Show less
The announcement of the establishment of rapid response European Battlegroups (EUBG) in the Helsinki Headline Goal of 2004, functioning as the first European military capabilities, was marked as...Show moreThe announcement of the establishment of rapid response European Battlegroups (EUBG) in the Helsinki Headline Goal of 2004, functioning as the first European military capabilities, was marked as the start for the establishment of a common defence and security policy in the European Union. It is argued that the EUBG were a logical consequence of de further deepening of the European integration process at the end of the 1990s and would prove that even on such a sensitive issue the member states were able to contribute without only pursuing the national interest. This research focuses on the implementation and impact of the EUBG concept and shows that there must be a clear distinction between paper reality and the military feasibility of supranational cooperation. Subject to many determining factors the EUBG have never been deployed and are not recognized as common support until today. As such, this research seeks for the substantiation why the EUBG did not succeed in their primary task as accelerator of the integration process. This research suggests that without a policy-based embedding, a military executive organization misses not only the right facilities, but it is also insufficiently supported to be successful in the end.Show less
The European Union’s representation to multilateral organisations is a vital element in its external action framework. The Union promotes an efficient multilateral system to advocate universal...Show moreThe European Union’s representation to multilateral organisations is a vital element in its external action framework. The Union promotes an efficient multilateral system to advocate universal rights and to respond to worldwide crises, with support of the international community. Global dynamics and power relations are changing. New threats to security and peace are altering and financial pressures confine the future development of peace and security capabilities. In the contemporary global order, the EU is called upon to assume greater international responsibilities. To achieve a more unified and continued representation in the multilateral system, EU coordination and representation are essential. To analyse the way in which EU representation operates in the multilateral system and whether the Treaty of Lisbon provides the appropriate improvements, two research questions are formulated: 1) how does the EU function in the multilateral system of the UN, and 2) does the Lisbon Treaty provide the EU with the means necessary to project a more coherent and effective multilateral representative framework? Using case studies on the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly, the analysis examines the notion of European foreign policies versus European foreign policy. It will argue that though rhetorical support is strong, effective implementation is yet to be realised. The declared intention of unified external representation is not always persuasive, especially when the EU-28 fails to consolidate interests within the Union itself. However, throughout the development of the EU-UN partnership, multilateral representation of the Union has been greatly enhanced. In general, EU-UNSC representation is less coherent, mostly due to ‘high’ politics. Moreover, the seats of France and UK do not reflect the contemporary global order, nor do they specifically benefit the EU’s multilateral representation. In the UNGA, EU representation is more coherent. This is caused primarily by greater coordination, a weaker political agenda, and the Union’s enhanced observer status. The thesis will address why EU representation in the two most important UN bodies is dissimilar, and will provide an analysis of how the Lisbon Treaty has aided the Union’s ambitions in the multilateral system.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
In 2010, the European External Action Service (EEAS) was launched. This service should serve as a 'ministry of foreign affairs' of the European Union. Goal of the EEAS: Creating a more coherent...Show moreIn 2010, the European External Action Service (EEAS) was launched. This service should serve as a 'ministry of foreign affairs' of the European Union. Goal of the EEAS: Creating a more coherent European foreign policy by providing a bridge between the member states and the European institutions, and between the European institutions themselves (Council and Commission). This thesis investigates whether the EEAS, in the short timespan that it is active now, has been able to achieve this goal. Three levels of coherence are identified: Horizontal coherence (coherence between the external policies of the different European institutions and organs), vertical coherence (coherence between the foreign policies of the different member states) and, finally, external coherence (the EU's ability to speak with a single voice to the rest of the world). Making use of a Principal-Agent theoretical framework, and relying on more than ten interviews with officials in Brussels, this contribution draws the conclusion that the EEAS has enhanced European foreign policy coherence, albeit moderately. As a result of the creation of a single High Representative/Vice-President of the Commission (HRVP), external coherence was fostered most convincingly. On the other hand, horizontal coherence - if not deteriorated - did not grow as a result of the EEAS. Hence, there is still much work to be done in the realm of inter-institutional relations in the EU.Show less
