Education is one of the most important determinants of an individual livelihood. Not only does education contribute to the development of a nation, but it also fosters democracy through the...Show moreEducation is one of the most important determinants of an individual livelihood. Not only does education contribute to the development of a nation, but it also fosters democracy through the teachings of democratic values in schools and exposure to the benefits of civic engagement. Furthermore, the education system of a country is reflective of its ideology and can serve as a tool for the government to shape the view of its citizens. Literature on the relationship between democracy on education is vast, but most are based on quantitative measures. Thus, this research conducts a qualitative study in analysing the effect of the level of democracy on the inclusion of democratic values in the fundamental education law of each country. Employing a diverse case selection, qualitative content analysis method, and a deductive coding frame, this thesis finds that the effect of democracy on democratic values in education law has varying effects. A clear division based on the level of democracy is visible for democratic goals in the education law, but is less visible regarding participation, freedom, and equality. The findings of this thesis contribute to narrowing the literature gap and allow further understanding of the impact of democracy on daily life and human development.Show less
Countries in Southeast Asia in the 21st century are both dependent on China when it comes to economic affairs such as trade, but also infrastructure investment. At the same time, these countries...Show moreCountries in Southeast Asia in the 21st century are both dependent on China when it comes to economic affairs such as trade, but also infrastructure investment. At the same time, these countries are in conflict with China, about the South China Sea, in which China claims a bigger part of this sea than Southeast Asia would like. This thesis discusses the following research question: Why do Southeast Asian countries maintain Chinese infrastructure investments despite the territorial dispute about the South China Sea?Show less
This thesis looks into the memory politics applied by the government of Cambodia during the post Khmer Rouge (KR) regime period from 1979-2015. I will analyse this period through a Case Study...Show moreThis thesis looks into the memory politics applied by the government of Cambodia during the post Khmer Rouge (KR) regime period from 1979-2015. I will analyse this period through a Case Study design and therein by applying the article by Wustenberg & Sierp, on the different levels of agents that use or influence memory politics surrounding the two internationally known memorial sites: Tuol Sleng and Choeung Genocidal center. To do so, I will first provide historical background information on the rise to power of Pol Pot and his Khmer Rouge regime, followed by a short recount of the historical events after the KR regime and the rise to power of the Hun Sen government. Throughout this thesis I will show that the question posed by Wustenberg & Sierp, whether a government has a monopoly on memory politics, can be answered positively in the case of post KR Cambodia. Furthermore, I will argue that the Holocaust narrative seemingly fits in the case of Cambodia, but when taking a closer look at the two memorial sites it can be seen that this is not the case, as the memorials are more about attracting international visitors and showing them a partial truth of the KR regime.Show less
Funan is an ancient state centred on the southern Mekong delta between the 1st and 6th century CE. Traditionally, Funan has been seen largely in terms of its long-distance contacts to India,...Show moreFunan is an ancient state centred on the southern Mekong delta between the 1st and 6th century CE. Traditionally, Funan has been seen largely in terms of its long-distance contacts to India, limiting thorough studies of regional interaction. This research instead focuses on regional exchange and interaction within the Mekong delta, thereby centring indigenous Southeast Asian developments and connecting long-distance interactions with local dynamics. To assess the role of Funan in riverine and coastal exchange networks this paper studies the assemblages of stone and glass beads, ceramics and metal objects in mainland Southeast Asia. Results show that the stone bead types and the type of glass used in glass beads differs in the Mekong delta and other parts of mainland Southeast Asia. The ceramic assemblage is overwhelmingly local, with some stylistic parallels to South Asian shapes common in mainland Southeast Asia. The metal assemblage at Funan sites is mainly gold, as gold was produced at Funan sites. The gold assemblage at Funan sites is distinct from that at nearby sites in mainland Southeast Asia. The results indicate a clear difference between the material distributions within the Mekong delta and the coastal regions of mainland Southeast Asia, as well as showing intensive connections to South Asia that led to rapid socioeconomic changes around the 3rd century CE. The exchange network centred on the Mekong delta primarily involves localized prestige objects utilizing South Asian elements or techniques. The localized objects are distributed throughout the Mekong delta and are distinct from prestige objects spread in other parts of mainland Southeast Asia. This indicates the importance of long-distance connections as well as the building of local alliances using exotic prestige objects, and shows the valuable connections of riverine local trade with coastal exchange. The results also demonstrate the importance of recognizing and studying the fluidity of the maritime exchange network of mainland Southeast Asia by effectively utilizing approaches from maritime archaeology.Show less
This paper provides insight into the nature of Sino-Cambodian relations in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative and a country-specific perspective through a research method based on...Show moreThis paper provides insight into the nature of Sino-Cambodian relations in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative and a country-specific perspective through a research method based on empirical findings and academic debates within the secondary literature on this topic and its research objectives. It has analysed and compared various perceptions on Cambodia’s ruling party and its motives to engage with China economically and politically through the BRI. This has been supported by the acquired facts on Cambodia’s crackdown on the opposition, the events surrounding the 2018 elections, client- patron structures, and trends of political and economic reliance. Furthermore, to acquire data of public opinion on Hun Sen’s increased cooperation with China, this paper has analysed Cambodian opinion pieces on Sino-Cambodian relations using interpretive, qualitative content analysis. It has therefore conducted an analysis of Cambodia’s ruling party, its objectives, and the implications for the political environment viewing China’s active role in providing political and economic support through the BRI. Consequently, this paper has found that Chinese aid and investments have been important to Hun Sen’s government in containing the opposition through political and media repression. Through the BRI, China’s non- interfering aid and investments enabled the ruling party to use more authoritarian measures against a growing political resistance.Show less
In the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for...Show moreIn the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for financial aid. On the one hand, Chinese influence is associated with economic development in the country. On the other hand, this influence is associated with violations of human rights and sustainable negligence. Therefore, this paper answers the question, ‘’why do English-language Cambodian newspapers differ in expressing their views towards the Sino-Cambodian relationship?’’. As such, this paper demonstrates the interplay between the Cambodian political economy, media ownership and the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in English-language Cambodian newspapers. This paper examines articles from three different newspapers and deploys a discourse analysis as a tool for understanding. Linking the findings to the context, this study demonstrates how a critical tone and a lack of emphasis on Cambodian reciprocity in the Sino-Cambodian relationship can affect ownership of a newspaper and how this has consequences for the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in the articles published.Show less
Encompassed by ambiguity, the effectiveness of peer-education has yet to be systematically evaluated despite its prevalent usage worldwide. However, research has shown that the success of peer...Show moreEncompassed by ambiguity, the effectiveness of peer-education has yet to be systematically evaluated despite its prevalent usage worldwide. However, research has shown that the success of peer education is predominately influenced via the reciprocate of peer education and the environmental context where peer education is being implemented. In regards to the environment, it further dictates that peer education is more effective where there is a persistent social capital. In this context, social capital is defined as the cultural components that facilitate trust and public support within a designated space, community or country. This study aims to investigate whether the failure of HIV and sexual health orientated peer education programs in Cambodia were due to the organisations that were implementing peer education or whether the social fabric that exists in Cambodia is currently incompatible with peer education. This thesis builds upon an existing theoretical framework in order to determine why peer education regarding HIV and Sexual Health has been ineffective for female sex and entertainment workers in Cambodia. Based on a review of three case studies, two of which are in Cambodia and a comparable case study from India, the analysis suggests that the failure of peer education programs lays with the organisations as opposed to the country’s social fabric. In response to this investigation, I recommend that Cambodia specific alterations should be used to enhance the effectiveness of future peer education programs in Cambodia.Show less
In a global community ever more transformed by climate vulnerabilities, cooperation along transboundary rivers has increasingly transcended from the environmental, to the political domain. This...Show moreIn a global community ever more transformed by climate vulnerabilities, cooperation along transboundary rivers has increasingly transcended from the environmental, to the political domain. This holds especially true for the industrially powered economy of the People’s Republic of China, which, after its initial economic take-off, started pursuing an energy diplomacy strategy vis-à-vis the neighboring Greater Mekong Sub-region. However, predominantly known as the ‘upstream superpower’, that ambition poses challenges for this country on a quest for water resources. This thesis focuses on the Mekong sub-region country Cambodia, which, since becoming a member of ASEAN and WTO, has deepened economic, as well as political ties with China. Here, the effects of China’s importance to Cambodia are evaluated, by looking at three critical components: 1) investment; 2) aid; and 3) trade. The analysis shows how China, through the provision of economic incentives through these pathways, has managed to increase both political support, while safeguarding domestic energy security. The thesis uses Cambodia’s hydropower sector as its case study to show how China’s regional pursuit, geo-economics strategy, and energy diplomacy can shed light on recent regional power shifts and China’s increasingly recognized regional role as a cooperative leader.Show less
In 2013, the elections in Cambodia ended in a surprising result with the opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), getting almost as many votes as the main party, the Cambodia's...Show moreIn 2013, the elections in Cambodia ended in a surprising result with the opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), getting almost as many votes as the main party, the Cambodia's People Party (CPP). Since 1993, no political party had been able to be an actual threat for the CPP. In this thesis, the reasons for this sudden rise in popularity of the CNRP will, therefore, be identified. It will be shown that the rise in social media and youth political participation positively influenced the rising popularity of the CNRP.Show less
Transitional justice plays a central role in helping nations move forward in post-conflict periods in which nations have suffered from mass violence and other atrocities. Moreover, educating youth...Show moreTransitional justice plays a central role in helping nations move forward in post-conflict periods in which nations have suffered from mass violence and other atrocities. Moreover, educating youth on the past is necessary in order to work towards reconciliation and preventing the reoccurrence of atrocities. By presenting a comparative study of two countries that have gone through the same type of horrific violence, this thesis will examine the transitional justice approaches adopted in the field of education Cambodia and Rwanda, whereby it will conclude which one has promoted the most effective way of dealing with the past. According to International Centre for Transitional Justice (2018), the aims of transitional justice is ‘the recognition of the dignity of individuals, the redress and acknowledgment of violations and the aim to prevent them happening again.’ Thus, I argue that education plays a crucial role in transitional justice, and is not only important in teaching youth about a country’s history, but schools also help shape politics and create intergroup relations. The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the research on the relationship between transitional justice and education. By presenting two case studies, I will analyse which one of the two approaches in education has proven more successful as a mechanism of transitional justice. Lastly, I will conclude with a summary of the findings and give further recommendations.Show less
Deze scriptie gaat over de aanwezigheid in en het eventuele permanente vertrek van de VOC uit Cambodja. Aan de hand van secundaire literatuur en diverse VOC archiefstukken wordt deze gereconstrueerd.
In the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in...Show moreIn the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in official terms, the country largely operates outside of accepted democratic values. The aim of this paper is therefore to find out to what extent Cambodia can be considered a democracy. Focussing on the indicators of democratisation and de-democratisation processes (breadth, equality, protection, and mutually binding consultation), it becomes clear that Cambodia has been experiencing a process of de-democratisation. At the same time, the ruling party managed to increase its state capacity. This has been a necessary tool for the party to stay in power. Acknowledging that high state capacity can contribute to democratisation processes, it is surprising that high state capacity and democratisation do not seem to go hand in hand in the Cambodian case. The form of state capacity is therefore an important aspect. Focussing on Cambodia, it soon becomes clear that the country deviates from the Western standard. Cambodian politics and economics are centred around patronage and neopatrimonialism. This has been the main reason why efforts towards democratisation have failed in Cambodia and why an authoritarian regime remains in power.Show less
The main aim of this thesis is to explore the implications of democracy promotion on ensuring free and fair elections in hybrid regimes. Despite the recent wave of democratization, some countries...Show moreThe main aim of this thesis is to explore the implications of democracy promotion on ensuring free and fair elections in hybrid regimes. Despite the recent wave of democratization, some countries have plunged back into authoritarianism. These regimes combine both democratic and authoritarian principles. Resultantly, they are referred to as hybrid regimes. The most common democratic feature that these hybrid regimes adapt are multiparty elections. However, elections in hybrid regimes are characterized by rigging of elections and serious human rights violations. Consequently, the international community has renewed its democracy promotion efforts. Similarly, the European Union (EU) has strengthened its democracy promotion in hybrid regimes with a focus on elections. This thesis seeks to answer the research question: What are the implications of the European Union’s democracy promotion on elections in Zimbabwe and Cambodia? The research question shall be answered through a comparative case study on the implications of the EU's democracy promotion on elections held in Zimbabwe and Cambodia from 2000 to 2013. Both case studies shall examine how internal factors (local factors within the countries) and external factors (weaknesses inherent in the EU's democracy promotion) influence the EU's efforts to ensure free and fair elections in hybrid regimes.Show less
Between 1975-9 the Khmer Rouge led a genocidal regime in Cambodia, targeting minorities - including the Cham Muslim population - in particular. Using transcripts from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, this...Show moreBetween 1975-9 the Khmer Rouge led a genocidal regime in Cambodia, targeting minorities - including the Cham Muslim population - in particular. Using transcripts from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, this thesis argues that cultural arguments to explain gender-based violence only hold ground up to a certain point. Beyond this, it is more useful to view gender-based violence as a product of its genocidal conflict. This latter argument is made by comparing the Khmer Rouge period to East Timor and Islamic State.Show less
Trade is seen by most archaeologist, working with Medieval Southeast Asia, as the main reason for economic development and social interaction. However, through a study of the archaeological and...Show moreTrade is seen by most archaeologist, working with Medieval Southeast Asia, as the main reason for economic development and social interaction. However, through a study of the archaeological and historical material in Cambodia that impression is challenged. The presently known archaeological data in fact suggest that international trade was limited; Chinese ceramics seems to have been restricted, The Kingdom had no currency or standardized values and Cambodian exports are few and only found in the neighboring countries (provinces). The academic emphasis on trade has instead relied on historical sources, however,the interpretation of these seems to be embedded in a post WW II economic theoretical bias (Marxism & Cliometrics). The thesis questions the relevance of modern economic logic in the past and the significance trade had in Medieval Cambodia, both socially and economically.Show less
