This thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech...Show moreThis thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech transcripts and newspaper opinion pieces of pro-independence and pro-union elites in order to identify broad lexical patterns in discourse. These results are then interpreted with the guidance of previous literature and within the theoretical framework of discursive institutionalism. The analysis finds that the most salient patterns are a pro-union emphasis on law and the constitution, and a pro-independence focus on the symbolic imagery produced by the referendum, such as polling stations, ballot boxes, and police violence. The results also find differing representations of the relationship between Catalonia and Spain, and to a lesser degree, the role of Europe within the dynamic. Taken together, these findings illuminate broad discursive strategies employed by both sides of the independence debate as they seek to either provoke or prevent institutional change.Show less
This thesis explores the calls for the right to self-determination in the Catalan secessionist movement. By analyzing European law, international law and the context of the Spanish constitution,...Show moreThis thesis explores the calls for the right to self-determination in the Catalan secessionist movement. By analyzing European law, international law and the context of the Spanish constitution, the paper aims to demonstrate within what legal realms is the Catalan community allowed to exercise their democratic rights as citizens to evoke, in this case unilaterally, self-determining claims. Furthermore, the paper seeks to investigate whether or not the EU, as a supranational body, should be obliged to mediate and aid with negotiations between the Catalan and Spanish parties.Show less
During the 20th Century, both Germany and Spain had atrocities committed against specific groups of people at home under fascist leaderships. Both countries democratised with the death of their...Show moreDuring the 20th Century, both Germany and Spain had atrocities committed against specific groups of people at home under fascist leaderships. Both countries democratised with the death of their leader, leaving members from the previous regime in power. However, two very different approaches to reconciliation were taken. Germany prosecuted the leaders of the old regime, implemented collective guilt across the population, and either destroyed fascist memorials and insignias or actively challenged them with counter-memorials. As opposed to following the German path to reconciliation, the fruits of which could be seen during the democratisation of Spain, the new democracy decided to implement the 1975 Pact of Forgetting, an unwritten agreement to not bring up the atrocities committed under Franco for fear of retribution. In order to understand the events that led to two very different outcomes through the use of interviews, analysis of the Suárez’s cabinet, and analysis of the use of memorials in both cases, this paper will ask why did Spain choose to avoid a similar reconciliation process to the one taken by West Germany thirty years prior despite being in a similar state and what role did public history play?Show less
The European Union is directly affected by political crises within member states. One of the challenges many of the member countries face comes in the form of secessionism. The secessionist...Show moreThe European Union is directly affected by political crises within member states. One of the challenges many of the member countries face comes in the form of secessionism. The secessionist sentiment in Europe is especially felt in the United Kingdom and Spain. Whereby secessionism has been able to move to the political mainstream. This thesis has sought to analyse in accordance to the framework of Mechanics of Cultural diplomacy: A comparative case.” (Kizlari & Fouseki, 2017) how regional secessionist governments have instrumentalised semi-public institutions to conduct sub-state diplomacy. The thesis analyses the legal mandate, the operational structure of Scotland Europa and Diplocat to discover whether they subjected to the direct influence of their respective regional governments. Subsequently, the thesis analyses the frames employed by the organisations in their communications to understand the objective of their publications in order to conclude how regional governments instrumentalised them. The analysis demonstrates that in both the Catalan and Scottish case the organisations were indeed instrumentalised to conduct sub-state diplomacy. Yet, the objectives were different. On one hand the Catalans sought to internationalise their self-determination effort and appealed to the European Union to mediate in the national conflict. On the other hand, the Scottish government has sought to influence EU decision making through more conventional channels such as consultation responses and the publication of papers. Finally, it has become clear that both the Catalan and Scottish government see European Union membership as a crucial part of their independence.Show less
The EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and...Show moreThe EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and Scotland as well as in the Brexit referendum. This new political context provides an excellent opportunity to reassess the stance of the EU with regard to secessionist conflicts. This thesis uses this opportunity to build on the work of Bourne (2014) by analysing whether the political discourses of regionalist parties and EU representatives, on secession within the EU framework, changed between 2014 and 2017 – in the case of Catalonia, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The analysis shows that the only discourses that changed significantly over time were those of Sinn Féin in the Northern Irish case and of EU representatives with regard to Scotland. Besides change over time, it found change between cases; the discourse of EU representatives in the Northern Irish case represents a departure from the Prodi/Barroso Doctrine that was prominent in the Catalan and Scottish case. The findings also suggest that the EU’s unwillingness to be involved in secessionist conflicts as well as the dismissal of post-secession EU membership has not necessarily discouraged regionalist parties from using the EU to underline the civic nature of minority nationalism; the parties under analysis continued to seek legitimacy for their cause at the European level through strong normative language, while professing adherence to the EU (values) and the democratic will of the people. Finally, the thesis shows that the EU may have started to adopt a more active stance in secessionist debates – undeniably so in the case of Northern Ireland.Show less
This thesis analyses separatist movements within EU member states. The cases of Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders are thoroughly analysed and compared to establish a pattern of separatism within the...Show moreThis thesis analyses separatist movements within EU member states. The cases of Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders are thoroughly analysed and compared to establish a pattern of separatism within the EU. The pattern that is established recognizes imagined communities and 'rationalized' arguments as the cornerstones of European separatism. Moreover, this thesis considers the seemingly contradictory pro-European attitude that is clearly present within these separatist movements.Show less
