Combining literature on autocratic stability and regime legitimation, this thesis seeks to explore the dynamics between economic shocks in patron states and a decrease in the political stability of...Show moreCombining literature on autocratic stability and regime legitimation, this thesis seeks to explore the dynamics between economic shocks in patron states and a decrease in the political stability of its client state(s). This research focuses on Russia as the patron state, and Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan as its client states. It finds that output legitimacy is the primary strategy of legitimation of Central Asian states, and that economic crises in Russia directly impact the stability of the researched states. However, this effect is somewhat alleviated by moderating factors in the case of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan.Show less
This thesis serves as an academic review of the efforts performed by several Inter-Governmental Organisations (IGOs) on the field of human trafficking in Central Asia. By utilising the concepts of...Show moreThis thesis serves as an academic review of the efforts performed by several Inter-Governmental Organisations (IGOs) on the field of human trafficking in Central Asia. By utilising the concepts of the 4Ps Anti-Trafficking Index, the efforts can be studied on their effects and points of neglect. Through research on the current human trafficking situation in the countries of the Central Asian region, a list of factors similar to the 4Ps can be deducted. The research debates whether all 4 index points should be included in anti-trafficking efforts by IGOs for it to be considered effective. To determine effectiveness, two different methodologies are discovered: the 4Ps could be viewed as an interconnected concept or as 4 different values that should be adhered to equally. This thesis hopes to fill the gap in academic research on human trafficking in Central Asia and to spread awareness on the topic.Show less
The thesis tackles the question on the extent to which common values are integrated in the bilateral relations between the EU and Kazakhstan. For this single case-study, process-tracing of the...Show moreThe thesis tackles the question on the extent to which common values are integrated in the bilateral relations between the EU and Kazakhstan. For this single case-study, process-tracing of the negotiation, ratification, and implementation process of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement signed in 2015 is conducted. The agreement is officially based on the pursuit of common values. Kazakhstan, as a cooperative authoritarian regime, shows high willingness to work closely together with the EU and to adapt to its view on democratic values. However, human rights violations from the part of the Kazakh government and state authorities do not seem to slow down the negotiation and implementation process of this important agreement. Alongside the process-tracing of the EPCA negotiations, the actorness of both Kazakhstan and the EU is analyzed. Finally, the research concludes that pragmatic interests from the EU side are predominant and that the adherence to values is not taken as a condition but rather as an objective. Doing so, the EU Parliament pursues a more value-based approach compared to the more pragmatic and encouraging behavior of the Council of the EU, the Commission, and the EU External Action Service. Moreover, integrating values in the cooperation is convenient for the reputation-conscious Kazakh government.Show less
Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries...Show moreRussia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries from threats through military cooperation,conflict mediation and anti-interventionism to gain influence.Show less
This thesis examines why Central Asia has so far failed to integrate as a region in the post-Soviet context from a new regionalism analysis (NRA). NRA combines both endogenous and exogenous factors...Show moreThis thesis examines why Central Asia has so far failed to integrate as a region in the post-Soviet context from a new regionalism analysis (NRA). NRA combines both endogenous and exogenous factors that are relevant in of the former Soviet countries from a historical perspective. This analysis assess not only the current challenges Central Asia faces, but also explains the revival of Central Asian regionalism since 2016.Show less
This thesis examines the influence of conflict in Afghanistan on Russia’s security hegemony in Central Asia. By considering Central Asia a Regional Security Complex, and by viewing Russia’s role...Show moreThis thesis examines the influence of conflict in Afghanistan on Russia’s security hegemony in Central Asia. By considering Central Asia a Regional Security Complex, and by viewing Russia’s role within it through the theoretical framework of negotiated hegemony, this thesis compares the role Russia played in the region in the timeframe from the fall of the Soviet Union to 2001 with the role it played following the US invasion of Afghanistan. It is argued that Central Asia started a successful process of reducing Russia’s influence by transforming its RSC from a unipolar one dominated by Russia, to a centered one where the Central Asian Republics (CARs) themselves defined the security sphere. This long-term process was temporarily abandoned by jumping on the short-term opportunity of counterbalancing Russia’s security hegemony with that of the US from 2001 onward. Disappointed by both Russia’s inability to deal with the Afghan conflict, and the US’ disinterest in pursuing a more active role in the particularities of the Central Asian RSC, the CARs re-entered negotiations with Russia over its security hegemony; strengthened this time, however, by their own proven capabilities and sovereignty.Show less
After five international attacks commited by Uzbek individuals in the name of Daesh in 2016 and 2017, many (news)articles have been quick to speak of a trend regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan...Show moreAfter five international attacks commited by Uzbek individuals in the name of Daesh in 2016 and 2017, many (news)articles have been quick to speak of a trend regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan and Central Asia. Research has shown that scholars either look at internal or external factors for the radicalization of Uzbek nationals. This study aims to explain the apparent recent interest of Uzbek nationals to join Daesh and if we can speak of a myth or a phenomenon regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan. Building on existing work on radicalization in Central Asia and Uzbekistan, this research both analyzes the internal and external factors. These internal and external factors have been applied on case studies of three Uzbek individuals committing the international attacks. The analysis was based on a literature research on the history of the region, the Uzbekistan state since 1991 onwards and migration from Central Asia towards Russia, and a textual analysis of (1) videos, messages, and websites, and (2) interviews of journalists with friends, neighbors and family members of the Uzbek individuals in the case study. In addition, the social movement theory and social psychology theory were applied accordingly. The results indicate that we should not speak of a phenomenon regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan. Besides, the case study shows that external factors particularly explain the apparent recent interest of Uzbek nationals to join Daesh. Nevertheless, internal factors could indeed explain other radicalization processes, such as why Uzbek nationals decided to join the Hizb ut-Tahrir and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan.Show less
A look at how Sino-Relations have devloped in the context of development in Central Asia. Analyzing international and regional organizations from both a neo-realist perspective and a liberal...Show moreA look at how Sino-Relations have devloped in the context of development in Central Asia. Analyzing international and regional organizations from both a neo-realist perspective and a liberal institutionalist view this thesis will attempt to explain the concept of cooperation that continues under the posibility of confrontation between China and Russia.Show less
Contradictory to the widespread belief that after the Cold War a wave of democratisation would engulf the world, many post-Soviet states descended into authoritarianism. In tradition of their...Show moreContradictory to the widespread belief that after the Cold War a wave of democratisation would engulf the world, many post-Soviet states descended into authoritarianism. In tradition of their Soviet history, the Central Asian regimes declared themselves strictly secular. However, these countries, too, are affected by increasing Islamic radicalism. This thesis therefore researches the link between regime consolidation in Central Asia and a (perceived) Islamic threat. It tries to answer the question whether and how the Central Asian states are instrumentalising a fear of Islamic radicalism to increase their hold on power. I have included five case studies to assess the research question, which are Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. As it turns out, Central Asian governments use a (perceived) Islamic threat in order to eliminate opposition and control their population. Increased security mainly served as a justification for increased surveillance and persecution.Show less
A review of the literature on the Sino-Russian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight the propensity of conflict, based upon...Show moreA review of the literature on the Sino-Russian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight the propensity of conflict, based upon traditional security considerations resulting in a definition of the Sino-Russian relationship that is limited, instrumental and asymmetric—an ‘axis of convenience’ according to mainstream scholars. Tensions are held to be most conspicuous in Russia and China’s shared backyard: Central Asia. Since the 2010s, both China and Russia have engaged in efforts to rearrange their regional backyards and consolidate influence over their smaller neighbours. The simultaneous, yet juxtapositional, establishment of Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and China’s Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) are widely deemed to reflect the independent foreign policy objectives of each party as well as the traditional security considerations underlying their regional projects. As a result, they have led many analysts to foresee a new Great Game in the region. To date, tensions have not surfaced, why? Contributing to critical scholarship, this thesis engages in securitization theory to gain insights into the different identities and security drivers underlying both powers’ regional initiatives. Appreciating the normative and ideational underpinnings of Russia’s EEU and China’s SREB, this research provides a new take upon the question why, and to what extent, the relationship does work—instead of why it does not, or will not, work. A poststructuralist discourse analysis has been conducted to examine these discursive representations of identity and security and answer this thesis’ main research question: To what extent do the security discourses of Russia’s EEU and China’s SREB explain the compatibility of the two initiatives? The findings of this thesis provide a balanced and contextualized account of both powers’ regional initiatives and give greater attention to the forces of convergence shaping the Sino-Russian relationship in the region and beyond.Show less
Kazakhstan is a consolidated authoritarian regime that introduced in 2017 a new set of amendments titled “On Changes and Amendments to Some Legal Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan On Countering...Show moreKazakhstan is a consolidated authoritarian regime that introduced in 2017 a new set of amendments titled “On Changes and Amendments to Some Legal Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan On Countering Extremism and Terrorism”. The amendments concern migration, freedom of religion, communication and circulation of weapons and thereby increase restrictions on human rights. They functioned as a reaction to three events that took place in 2016: an amok-run in Almaty, a serious act of terrorism in Aktobe and nation-wide protests. All of these events were untypical for the otherwise stable situation in Kazakhstan. This master thesis analyses whether the amendments content reflects their creators rational (event-specific) decision-making or whether it represents the next step of a developmental trajectory that is locked-in by long established legal provisions (path dependence)and maintained by irrational decision-making (e.g. habits).Show less
This thesis discusses nationalism in modern Kyrgyzstan by analyzing the film Kurmanjan Datja (2014). Since Kyrgyzstan’s independence in the early 1990s the government has attempted to create a...Show moreThis thesis discusses nationalism in modern Kyrgyzstan by analyzing the film Kurmanjan Datja (2014). Since Kyrgyzstan’s independence in the early 1990s the government has attempted to create a general sense of belonging and unity among the ethnically varied people of Kyrgzstan. The film Kurmanjan Datka was one of the projects aimed to do so. The state sponsored film tells the romanticized story of heroine Kurmanjan who unites the 40 Kyrgyz tribes in resistance to the Russian expansion into Central Asia. In this thesis, the film is connected to nationalism, nation building and the ways in which the Kyrgyz government attempts to shape its history, culture and traditions.Show less
Unlike the nineteenth century, the competition for power in Eurasia is increasingly fought between Russia and China. In turn, according to the prevailing neorealist discourse, these powers compete...Show moreUnlike the nineteenth century, the competition for power in Eurasia is increasingly fought between Russia and China. In turn, according to the prevailing neorealist discourse, these powers compete for security and economic influence in what is referred to as ‘the New Great Game’. In recent years, China is seen to increasingly tilt the balance of power from Moscow’s traditional sphere of influence towards Beijing – especially in the economic realm – with Russia attempting to retain its hegemonic position. Accordingly, a pressing question is what implications the spillover of this competition for hegemony in Central Asia has for Sino-Russian relations in the region’s most important multilateral organisation, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. In this thesis the above query is assessed by three schools of thought: limitationism, alarmism and normalism. In scholarly discourse limitationist and alarmist discourses have been prevalent, but not entirely convincing, discussing the implications of the New Great Game on the SCO leadership. They have generally emphasised (and polarised) either the cooperative or the competitive nature of Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia’s and the SCO’s New Great Game scenario respectively. Conversely, the framework on which this thesis’ explanation of the Sino-Russian relations in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation is based, is the altering balance of power, combined with dual cooperative and competitive Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia, as discerned by ‘normalists’. It can be concluded that analogous to their simultaneous converging and diverging interests in Central Asia at large, Sino-Russian relations in the SCO should be regarded as practical interrelations based on ‘complex reciprocity’ (Yu 2007, 79). They are a tacit compromise to, ultimately, let the SCO function as an satisfactory diplomatic forum where Moscow and Beijing can regulate the New Great Game: their relations in CA, China’s rise and Moscow’s traditional sphere of influence.Show less
This thesis describes in a broad manner India's current bilateral and multilateral collaborations with Central Asian countries on the topics of Energy, Trade and Security Cooperation. Subsequently...Show moreThis thesis describes in a broad manner India's current bilateral and multilateral collaborations with Central Asian countries on the topics of Energy, Trade and Security Cooperation. Subsequently it analyses the reasons and factors that underlie the current situation of India's strategic position in Central Asia, which requires taking into account the (political) actions of other regional actors like Russia and China. Through a re-appreciation of Morgenthau's theory on International Relations, this thesis will argue why India's minor strategic position has both historical and contemporary political reasons.Show less
