In de tweede helft van de 17e eeuw stuurde de Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie drie gezantschappen naar het Chinese hof te Peking in een poging om daar handelsbetrekkingen aan te knopen. In deze...Show moreIn de tweede helft van de 17e eeuw stuurde de Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie drie gezantschappen naar het Chinese hof te Peking in een poging om daar handelsbetrekkingen aan te knopen. In deze scriptie worden de eerste twee van die gezantschappen naast elkaar gelegd. Ook wordt er gekeken naar pogingen van andere Europese landen, in die periode, om via het Keizerlijk hof toegang tot de Chinese markt te krijgen. Er worden twee vragen gesteld;allereerst is de vraag welke tactiek de Nederlanders in China volgden. Kort door de bocht kan gesteld worden dat de VOC twee werkwijzen had in Azië. Aan de ene kant was er de agressieve aanpak die zij in de Indonesische archipel met succes gebruikten tegen staten daar en waarmee ze op veel plekken een handelsmonopolie wisten af te dwingen. Aan de andere kant was er de meegaande aanpak, in Japan, bijvoorbeeld, werden de bevelen van de Shōgun strikt opgevolgd, in de hoop niet te worden uitgezet. De vraag is dus wat zij in China deden. Vervolgens is de vraag of de twee gezantschappen van elkaar leerden en, zo ja, wat er dan aan hun aanpak veranderde.Show less
Growing demand or declining availability of water makes distribution decisions based on water scarcity an increasingly acute problem across the globe. In my research, I focused on the question...Show moreGrowing demand or declining availability of water makes distribution decisions based on water scarcity an increasingly acute problem across the globe. In my research, I focused on the question whether water scarcity can lead to conflict. To investigate how water and conflict are connected I used two theories which are the most relevant when dealing with the connection between water and conflict, Water Wars theory and Resource Curse theory. I studied the Darfur conflict case and the Chinese environmental conflict case to find out if water scarcity can lead to conflict.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
2017-01-01T00:00:00Z
Why do democracies not go to war with other democracies? The idea that the internalized liberal-democratic norms of peaceful conflict resolution within a democratic society are responsible for the...Show moreWhy do democracies not go to war with other democracies? The idea that the internalized liberal-democratic norms of peaceful conflict resolution within a democratic society are responsible for the democratic peace, also referred to as the normative explanation, remains subject to a particular lack of empirical academic attention. The few studies into the normative explanation have not tested what should be tested: whether liberal democratic norms indeed affect the behavior of democratic citizens in comparison to the behavior of nondemocratic citizens. This research performs an improved empirical test and studies (1) whether liberal norms exist in a democracy in comparison to a non-democracy and (2) whether these norms have an effect on the individuals of these societies concerning the wish to use force in International Relations. An experimental design showed that there was no significant difference between a group of Dutch students and a group of Chinese students when it comes to the use of force in IR. A marginal effect of the regime type for the democratic citizens was found. Remarkably, in a comparison with the autocratic experimental group, these democratic citizens turned out not to be specifically more peaceful towards other democracies, but rather more war-prone towards autocracies. The overall conclusion of this study is that for both experimental groups the perception of threat was the main indicator for a decision to attack. This research argues that, in contrast with earlier research, there is no support to the claim that the normative explanation can explain the empirically found peace between democracies.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Ideational factors, which range from democracy to human rights, from sustainable peace to multilateralism, have long played an important role in the European Union’s (EU) foreign policies toward...Show moreIdeational factors, which range from democracy to human rights, from sustainable peace to multilateralism, have long played an important role in the European Union’s (EU) foreign policies toward China, with a wide range of issues that could be found in recent decades such as the arms embargo, resolutions critical of China’s human rights in United Nations Commission of Human Rights (UNCHR), and many other fields in EU-China relations. Despite the significance of ideational factors, it is tempting but premature to conclude that the EU’s external policies towards China have been dominated by normative power. The policy preference of the EU towards China is affected by the role of institutions in facilitating the emergence of a sense of community based on shared norms, interests and a common identity. Yet EU positions, decision and actions in the world are produced as the result of often complex interactions in a multi-level system, involving the member states singly and collectively, as well as the common institutions. Would such complex interactions bring some kind of convergence in a normative European policy towards China? How does China respond to the emergence of ideational factors in bilateral relations? Does China see the EU as a normative power? Thus, social constructivist tools should be applied to analyze the emergence of ideational factors as a consequence of both internal interaction within the EU and external interaction between Europe and China. This study focues on the notion of Normative Power Europe (NPE) by examining the role of ideational factors in EU’s foreign and security policies toward China, as well as China’s perception of EU’s promotions and pressures in these values through case studies. More specifically, the study is a two-step process. The first stage is to explore the different goals of multiple European actors and how these goals interact with normative factors in shaping their foreign policy towards China. In this stage, analytical target is not restricted to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) or European Commission (EC) level, but takes into account member states’ positions and foreign policies toward China. In the second stage, China’s perception of Europe’s normative driven policies will be introduced, by looking into the response of Beijing and relevant literature. This research attempts to explain the lack of a normative convergence in EU and reveal China’s perception in EU’s normative power.Show less
This thesis analyzes the development of social movements in China since the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's reforms. A comparison of the democracy movements of the 1980s and the labour movements of...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the development of social movements in China since the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's reforms. A comparison of the democracy movements of the 1980s and the labour movements of the 2000s is the central focus of the paper with special attention given to the role of the media, and social networking, in the development of these movements. It is argued that both movements share the strikingly similar grievances and methods of organization, and that the media, despite its continuing liberalization, continues to play only a marginal role.Show less
