China’s national identity plays a crucial role in the research of Chinese nationalism security and historical memory making. Identity politics played an increasingly important role in China,...Show moreChina’s national identity plays a crucial role in the research of Chinese nationalism security and historical memory making. Identity politics played an increasingly important role in China, especially after the reform and opening up of the Chinese economy initiated by Deng Xiaoping and the 1989 Tiananmen crisis. The CCP’s moral and ideological legitimacy was increasingly challenged. Deng and Jiang Zemin turned to patriotic education and Confucianism for the solution, citing the lack of patriotic feelings among citizen as the cause for the Tiananmen crisis (Gilley 1998, 271-2). The selective and “active forgetting” nature of writing history is also present in the construction of national identity and political discourse which are dependent on elites and their political aims (Renwick & Qing 1999, 112). Under Xi’s rule, the national identity discourse has taken a shift in narratives, where nationalism humiliation faded slowly into the background and gradually replaced by more ambitious and victorious narratives (Chang 2021). The motivation behind this shift can be shortly summarise as CCP’s historical goals of “great rejuvenation of the nation” which Xi explicitly expressed since his succession. The construction of national identity involves selecting specific historical events as strong evidence for themes, even though it might ignore or exclude the complete picture, especially in China, where the historical discourse is highly politicalised (Zhao 2015). Therefore, this paper is interested in “How does China constructs its national identity discourse around the themes of ‘The China Dream’ and ‘Chinese inherent peacefulness’”? The documentary Great Power Diplomacy will be used as a case study in answering this 2 question. It is argued that the CCP has carefully constructed a framework in integrating themes of “China Dream” and “Chinese inherent peacefulness” into the Chinese national discourse through propaganda, while the constructed discourse also serves as a useful tool in deflecting criticism.Show less
In a political landscape where traditional state expansion is increasingly more challenging to achieve, great powers seek expansion at the physical and metaphysical boundaries of the world instead....Show moreIn a political landscape where traditional state expansion is increasingly more challenging to achieve, great powers seek expansion at the physical and metaphysical boundaries of the world instead. Seen from the theoretical perspective of knowledge as a power-increasing commodity, the melting Arctic becomes a site of non-violent power struggle through scientific, economic and political means. This paper observes China's increasing role in the region through these avenues as it seeks to influence Arctic governance, despite not being an Arctic state. In addition to a general overview, a case study of Chinese state and non-state actors' activities in Norway's Arctic region seeks to further illustrate the ties between science, economics, and politics in the Arctic political landscape. Through a qualitative examination of secondary and primary sources, the paper concludes that the mutually beneficial ties between knowledge production and market expansion in the Arctic have the potential to aid a non-Arctic great power such as China in achieving political influence in the region.Show less
China has emerged as a new rising power with the largest Navy force and the second-biggest economy in the world. A regional collective defense security organization, NATO, has expanded its global...Show moreChina has emerged as a new rising power with the largest Navy force and the second-biggest economy in the world. A regional collective defense security organization, NATO, has expanded its global partnership to the Asia-Pacific region. This thesis seeks to research the impact of the military rise of China on NATO-led security cooperation among NATO and far yet like-minded countries. Comparative qualitative content analysis is conducted to elaborate on how the security implications of the rise of China engendered NATO to form global initiatives, analyzing two cases, the Republic of Korea, and New Zealand. Theoretical expectations are based on Regional Security Complex Theory, which is anchored on constructivism: if NATO successfully securitizes China's rise, the ROK and NZ will create bilateral or multilateral security cooperation with NATO. This paper finds out that NATO successfully framed China as an identity and a military threat, and expanded security cooperation with the ROK and NZ based on common liberal norms and values.Show less
All over the world local governments engage in ‘decentral diplomacy’, which refers to the international relations of sub-state regions (Dams, 2022; Šimalčík, Šebok, Kalivoda, & Blablová, 2021)....Show moreAll over the world local governments engage in ‘decentral diplomacy’, which refers to the international relations of sub-state regions (Dams, 2022; Šimalčík, Šebok, Kalivoda, & Blablová, 2021). European regions often engage in decentral diplomacy with Chinese provinces because of the expected economic outcome. The question is often asked, however, how does a region economically make the most out of these relationships? This thesis studies the domestic state-local political dynamism that influences economic opportunities emerging from the provincial relationship with Jiangsu province. In an interview-based comparative case study using a most similar systems design, the Dutch province Noord-Brabant is compared to the Moravian Silesian Region in Czechia. Whereas these regions are comparable in certain aspects, of which their relationship to Jiangsu is the most important, this thesis makes the comparison studying three dissimilar factors: the extent of central-local coordination on China policy, the institutional structure of the regional relationships, and the local institutional bureaucratic effort. These factors are expected to explain the difference in economic opportunities emerged through the relationship with Jiangsu province. Studying the determinants of good interstate relations at the local level, this thesis finds that based on these two cases particularly the institutional structure of the regional relationships and the local institutional bureaucratic effort are important for economic opportunities emerged through the relationship with Jiangsu.Show less
This thesis investigates the absence of FTAs between Japan and China. It does this by putting the focus on two particular trade agreements. The first of which is the recently signed Regional...Show moreThis thesis investigates the absence of FTAs between Japan and China. It does this by putting the focus on two particular trade agreements. The first of which is the recently signed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement (RCEP), an FTA with fifteen participating countries. The second is an agreement that has yet to become a reality; the China, Japan, South-Korea, China agreement.Show less
This thesis investigates the following research question: ''How has the development of the economic interdependence between China and Indonesia affected their behavior in the Natuna territorial...Show moreThis thesis investigates the following research question: ''How has the development of the economic interdependence between China and Indonesia affected their behavior in the Natuna territorial dispute.'' The conclusion is that in the last twenty years Indonesia has developed an economic dependence on China. As a result, China has increasingly used bluffing in the Natuna dispute. As a response, Indonesia has been caught in a balancing act between the economic interests of the Natuna territory and its relationship with China. On the one hand, Indonesia has been constrained by China’s behavior. On het other hand, Indonesia has also been more determined to resist China’s bluffing. This has led to more incidents and incidents with a higher level of hostility over time.Show less
Since the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping...Show moreSince the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping created in 2003 that brings China together with nine lusophone countries to promote economic and trade exchanges. This case study investigates China’s motives for creating and maintaining this multilateral project and examines perceptions from its lusophone participants. The significance of this analysis is that it provides a more granular understanding of the rationale and results of China’s ever-increasing promotion of alternative international development cooperation frameworks in the Global South. To research this topic, I relied primarily on historically-contextualised discourse analysis of primary material from diplomatic and academic sources. Results of this analysis reveal that China was motivated (1) to promote and test out a Chinese vision of development cooperation, (2) to strengthen Macau’s integration with mainland China and (3) to secure Beijing's diplomatic recognition among lusophone countries. Commentary from lusophone diplomats, however, highlights the lack of perceived concrete benefits for the Macau Forum’s participant members. On this basis, the Macau Forum can be likened to other China-led multilateral regional initiatives, such as the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), that are balanced asymmetrically in China’s favour.Show less
Mainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or...Show moreMainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or not. Such theories are too simplistic. Often overlooked is not only the complex domestic situation in Myanmar, but also how China and Myanmar cultivated a strong bilateral relationship during the NLD era. In order to account for Myanmar’s complex domestic context, this thesis analyses the security impact of the coup on the ethnic rebel-controlled areas bordering China, and the economic impact on the Sino-Myanmar pipelines, one of China’s major Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects. The research question of this study is: to what extent did China materially benefit from the February 1 coup in Myanmar? This thesis concludes that the coup increased the intensity of the conflict with EAOs, thus worsening the subsequent adverse conflict spill-over effect in the border areas. Furthermore, China’s BRI investments, including the pipelines, have historically been more secure under civilian NLD rule then under the military Tatmadaw rule. Thus, the February 2021 coup does not materially benefit China.Show less
This thesis examines the ways in which the People's Republic of China is portrayed in Dutch newspapers between 2019 and 2021. It uses Sinological-orientalism for its theoretical framework and...Show moreThis thesis examines the ways in which the People's Republic of China is portrayed in Dutch newspapers between 2019 and 2021. It uses Sinological-orientalism for its theoretical framework and applies a critical discourse analysis on 120 newspaper articles. It seeks to understand the relation between power and the knowledge of the People's Republic of China that is present in these newspaper articles.Show less
The world is changing rapidly, and power balances are altering as new big powers gain clout in various global issues. Through the provision of credit and projects like the Belt and Road Initiative,...Show moreThe world is changing rapidly, and power balances are altering as new big powers gain clout in various global issues. Through the provision of credit and projects like the Belt and Road Initiative, China is increasing its influence in the economies of developing states. While strengthening its position and increasing leverage within the global economy, it is bringing different values to the international arena. This increased Chinese influence can be considered a challenge to the international community, whose states long have dominated the global economy and the global provision of credit. Therefore, the perception of the international community, in relation to its own global economic status, of China’s increased economic influence in developing states was analysed in this paper. Their perceptions have been analysed through qualitative content analysis, using Schweller’s theory of balanced interests (1994). Analysis revealed differences within the international community – whereas the United States appears to be willing to balance Chinese development efforts and protect its own dominant position, this does not go for all European states. The United States and Europe seem to have different interests for their future and distinct contextual and economic factors influencing their perceptions.Show less
Taiwan’s flourishing economy together with its values, such as human rights and democracy, increase Taiwan’s international visibility and question Taiwan’s inability to join the UN, especially...Show moreTaiwan’s flourishing economy together with its values, such as human rights and democracy, increase Taiwan’s international visibility and question Taiwan’s inability to join the UN, especially since they share the same values. The PRC’s open disapproval of Taiwan’s independence as well as its power and influence hinders the UN from accepting Taiwan as a new member state. This thesis aims to research how the dynamics between the US and China within the structure of the UN affect Taiwan’s bid to become an internationally recognised state as well as how Taiwan tries to influence this process from outside the UN. Qualitative research together with a historical case study analysis and a conducted interview display that both the US and China use soft power as political strategies to gain more influence within the UN for their objectives, such as the support or opposition of Taiwan’s entry into the international community. Similarly, Taiwan also uses soft power to gain more allies and to increase its eligibility to enter the UN. Moreover, this thesis finds that divergent understandings of human rights divide the UN regarding their position on Taiwan’s official status and affect the decision-making process regarding Taiwan’s independence.Show less
