The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the reality of an externally initiated attempt to integrate the Chinese and European economies, without being asked for permission. China’s strategy has been a bottom up approach, reaching out to individual EU-member states and their publics with ambitions for bilateral agreements and mutual cooperation. Meanwhile, frictions caused by perceived incompatible political differences have been a source of turbulence for Sino-EU relations for decades. The impact of the BRI on these relations remains obscure, warranting research efforts. This thesis asks specifically how the BRI affects EU foreign policy towards China, using the pathways of connection framework to make inferences. The framework, founded in realism, liberalism and constructivism, takes a relational and practitioner-centred approach. To gather data, explaining-outcome process tracing is employed as a method, trying to provide minimally sufficient evidence to explain the occurrence of the phenomenon under study. The study finds that the BRI affects the EU and EU foreign policy in a broad range of categories, as China rigorously pursues its foreign policy interests. It concludes that Chinese efforts are met negatively by the EU, who in return tries to fortify its defences to prevent the BRI from growing roots on the European continent.Show less
Since the People’s Republic of China was created in 1949, one of its main objectives has been the reunification of all its territory. In recent years, China has focussed increasingly on the...Show moreSince the People’s Republic of China was created in 1949, one of its main objectives has been the reunification of all its territory. In recent years, China has focussed increasingly on the securitisation of the Hong Kong independence movement and Taiwanese independence to achieve this unification. This thesis conducts a comparative case study, using securitisation theory, where China’s security strategy on Hong Kong and Taiwan is compared. It analyses the influence of colonial periods over Hong Kong and Taiwan’s current domestic politics, focusing on the years 1841 to 1997. Furthermore, it studies China’s security approach to Hong Kong and Taiwan in the 21st century and how this approach has influenced local responses in Hong Kong and Taiwan. This research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis, focussing on policy documents and speeches by Chinese officials. It argues that the colonial history of Hong Kong and Taiwan, the perceived and legitimate legal authority of China, the successfulness of securitisation of the local independence movements, and the response of both citizens and local politics all influence China’s security strategy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan all influence China’s security strategy.Show less
This research investigates China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) engagement in Serbia and Montenegro and has identified two potential conditions which explain the differences in the outcome of the...Show moreThis research investigates China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) engagement in Serbia and Montenegro and has identified two potential conditions which explain the differences in the outcome of the two countries. Between 2013 and 2022, China has engaged through the BRI with Serbia and Montenegro. This led to two different outcomes for the similar-looking countries, where Montenegro seemed less pleased with engagement than Serbia. This research aimed to identify underlying conditions that could explain the differences through a qualitative case study that applies historical institutionalism. The two countries were investigated individually to identify the levels of engagement and whether there were critical junctions in the two cases. The Serbian critical juncture is more of a pattern of (un)taken actions in decision-making by the Serbian government benefitting Chinese engagement. In the case of Montenegro, the Bel-Boljare highway can be identified as a clear critical juncture. However, due to certain assumptions in the media and political landscape, it has been portrayed as a Chinese debt trap. Consequently, the two cases were compared to see the similarities and differences and identify a possible explanation for why the outcomes differed. This study has identified two conditions that can explain the differences: the geographical position of Serbia and the geopolitical position of both countries.Show less
As part of China’s quest of regaining its superpower status in world politics, the country has launched a comprehensive transportation system called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This BRI is...Show moreAs part of China’s quest of regaining its superpower status in world politics, the country has launched a comprehensive transportation system called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This BRI is accompanied with large-scale investment programmes in primarily the infrastructural and energy sector. One of the destinations of these investments, called FDI, is the Western Balkan region. This region consists of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia. These countries are at different stages of their accession process to the European Union (EU). Unclarity exists amongst scholars whether the Chinese FDI that these countries receive obstruct their accession process towards the EU, i.e. their Europeanization process. By means of a longitudinal small-N MSSD-I research, it is investigated whether Chinese FDI negatively affects the Europeanization in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia and Serbia. This research concludes that the Europeanization in the Western Balkans is indeed negatively affected by Chinese FDI, although this effect is of a less than proportional nature. This research also indicates which specific chapters of the acquis communautaire and which Copenhagen criteria of the Europeanization are negatively impacted, and whether this effect is limited or strong. Furthermore, it inquires how the Europeanization in the Western Balkans can be explained: is the logic of appropriateness or the logic of consequentiality better suited for clarifying this process? In other words, do the Western Balkan states feel an intrinsic connection to the European identity, or do they want to become EU member states because of the material benefits accompanied with accession? This research finds that the logic of consequentiality prevails over the logic of appropriateness in explaining the Europeanization in the Western Balkans. Nevertheless, both logics of action are still relevant for acquiring a full understanding of the acquis adoption in candidate member states.Show less
The United States established the the United States Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) in 2009 as a means of defending nation wide networks and infrastructure as well as to synchronise cyber operations...Show moreThe United States established the the United States Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) in 2009 as a means of defending nation wide networks and infrastructure as well as to synchronise cyber operations across all US combatant commands. This thesis presents a framework analysis of USCYBERCOM and their implication with regards to cyber espionage. It was found that the US assumed a defensive cyber strategy due to increasing economic espionage (mainly theft of intellectual property) by its adversary China. The extent to which this defensive strategy proved to be effective against foreign cyber espionage remains vague. In the later years however, a new approach under the name ‘Defend Forward’ was established. By defending forward, the US aims to persistently engage in offensive cyber operations below the level of armed conflict, subsequently deterring enemies from conducting further cyber operations, including both cyber attacks and cyber espionage, against the US.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
In 2013, President Xi Jinping of China launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This initiative of unprecedented scale aims to connect China with its western hinterland, eventually reaching...Show moreIn 2013, President Xi Jinping of China launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This initiative of unprecedented scale aims to connect China with its western hinterland, eventually reaching Europe and the African east coast, through massive infrastructural investments. Although, the potential consequences of this initiative can be enormous, the EU has hitherto shown limited (re)action towards the BRI. This led Misiągiewicz & Misiągiewicz (2016, p. 39) to state that “the European Union has to date been slow and reluctant in responding to the ‘One Belt, One Road’ idea”. This reveals what some would call a low degree of EU-‘actorness’, with ‘actorness’ being understood as the extent to which an actor can deliberately operate among and with other actors within the international system (Sjösted, 1977). This leads to the research question of this thesis, namely: “What factors can explain the low degree of actorness of the European Union regarding the Belt and Road Initiative?”. Following on a literature review towards actorness, three factors that influence actorness are identified. These three factors are context, capability and coherence. The first factor, context, is about external elements that influence actorness (Brattberg & Rhinard, 2012; Bretherton & Vogler, 2013; Da Conceição-Heldt & Meunier, 2014; Jupille & Caporaso, 1998). The factor of capability is about the different ‘tools’ an actor has and whether it is able to use those tools (Brattberg & Rhinard, 2012; Bretherton & Vogler, 2006; 2013). The third and last factor this thesis will study is coherence. This factor is about how coherent an actor and its institutions are among themselves (Bretherton & Vogler, 2013; Da Conceição-Heldt & Meunier, 2014; Nilsson et al., 2012). These factors are elaborated upon and analyzed in this thesis to determine whether they can explain the low degree of EU actorness regarding the BRI. To analyze the factors of context and capability, qualitative content analyses are conducted towards primary sources, consisting of EU documents and two EU webpages. To study the factor of coherence, a quantitative content analysis will be conducted towards primary sources, consisting of EU documents that represent the external message of the EU. Following from these analyses, it can be concluded that the factors context and coherence resulted in the low degree of EU actorness regarding the BRI. The factor of context constrains EU actorness regarding the BRI, because the EU is not completely recognized as a relevant party by other international actors with regard to themes that are relevant in the context of the EU and the BRI, for example concerning FDI laws. The factor of coherence constrains EU actorness regarding the BRI, because the external ‘message’ of the EU is not coherent in three ways. First of all, EU documents often contradict themselves. Secondly, EU documents that are published in the same year are not coherent with one another. Last, the EU’s message is also not coherent with itself over time.Show less
