This thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by Azerbaijani and Chinese politicians – asserting that the BRI has promoted Azerbaijan's economic growth – align with economic realities. This is examined through four facets: the BRI’s role in Azerbaijan's emergence as a transit hub, economic diversification, overall economic growth, and Sino-Azerbaijani cooperation beyond the transport sector. The results seem to suggest an association between BRI partnership and positive economic changes, such as economic diversification and GDP growth. However, the assertion that the BRI is the sole driver of these changes is premature, considering other influencing factors and the recent establishment of the BRI. Therefore, while political rhetoric may not entirely match the economic reality, the findings suggest potential for future bilateral benefits and economic growth. A need for further long-term research is needed to solidify any of the conclusions.Show less
This thesis analyzes the role of the middle class in China in the process of democratization. Based on the literature, two groups can be distinguished: those who state that the middle class will...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the role of the middle class in China in the process of democratization. Based on the literature, two groups can be distinguished: those who state that the middle class will inevitably support democratic processes and those who state that the middle class can be an important actor in the support for military regimes. In addition, there is a debate between those who state that China is too unique to comply with the theory (exceptionalism), while others state that the theory is universal. In this thesis, a framework is created to determine whether middle classes will support democratization, or not. The case of China is then tested on this framework. The economic dependency on the current regime, the strength of this regime, and the fact that the Chinese middle class is not a unified, homogeneous actor, make sure that the CCP remains firmly in power, without real indications that the middle class will support democratization in the near future.Show less
The growth of the Peoples’ Republic of China’s economic development, and growth of influence within the international sphere, the nation is able to offer an alternative model to global governance...Show moreThe growth of the Peoples’ Republic of China’s economic development, and growth of influence within the international sphere, the nation is able to offer an alternative model to global governance and state development. This study seeks to answer whether or not the People’s Republic of China is actively developing its own framework for global governance, state development and human rights. Furthermore, it will aim to answer whether the actions of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) developed in the 21st century towards achieving that end? This analysis will focus on the development of three variables that promote China’s ability in undermining human rights governance and democratic promotion, with a focus on the CCP’s machinations within the United Nations (UN), in order to provide an insight into whether China’s actions represent an intent on establishing a new world order in the 21st century.Show less
Research master thesis | Archaeology (research) (MA/MSc)
open access
The Tang (唐) dynasty (618 – 907 C.E.), and to a lesser extent the Sui (隋) dynasty (589 – 617 C.E.) that directly preceded it, is often considered to be China’s premier ‘Golden Age’, the height of...Show moreThe Tang (唐) dynasty (618 – 907 C.E.), and to a lesser extent the Sui (隋) dynasty (589 – 617 C.E.) that directly preceded it, is often considered to be China’s premier ‘Golden Age’, the height of its cultural expression and the peak of its international trade. By contrast, the preceding period of disunity, often called the Six Dynasties period (六朝) (220 – 589 C.E.), stands out as a time of great chaos, uncertainty, and isolation in the minds of many both today and at the time of the Tang. A clear schism thus exists in our image of China in the first millennium C.E.. Yet this image comes to us mainly from written sources both ancient and modern, and is rarely independently analysed based on the archaeological remains of the periods. The aim of this thesis is to place archaeological material from China, which played a role in the ancient Silk Road trade network during the first millennium C.E., on a level with the historical sources, to find where they may coincide with or contradict each other, thus enriching our understanding of China’s role in the world of the first millennium C.E.. In order to do so, the thesis poses the question whether this schism of China’s active participation in international trade between the Six Dynasties and Tang periods can be traced in the archaeological evidence of trade from these periods, by studying a selection of Chinese archaeological material dating to the first millennium C.E. and analysing it through the lens of a world-systems and globalisation theoretical framework. The material used comes from Paul Ruitenbeek Art Gallery in Amsterdam, as well as several museum collections and academic and non-academic publications, as this is a topic not widely explored in academia. The Case Studies are organised into the themes of ‘Trade and travel represented’, ‘Exported items: luxury and practicality’, ‘Currency on the Silk Roads’, and ‘Influential style and beauty’. Ultimately, based on the combination of historical context, previous research, the case studies, and the theoretical framework, the conclusion is reached that while significant changes can be observed in China’s political situation and its involvement within the Silk Road trade network throughout the first millennium C.E., and these developments are at times closely influenced by each other, they are not intrinsically linked, as it was in fact the adaptability of the network and its various players that allowed the network to persist over such a long 128 period of time. Further research is needed to gain a true understanding of China’s role in the Silk Road trade network during the first millennium C.E..Show less
Bachelor thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (BSc)
closed access
China is growing as an international competitor with its gaze directed toward Africa. Chinese state-owned Multinational Corporations (MNCs) gradually gaining a foothold in African countries raise...Show moreChina is growing as an international competitor with its gaze directed toward Africa. Chinese state-owned Multinational Corporations (MNCs) gradually gaining a foothold in African countries raise worries for other investors like the West. The impacts of Chinese MNCs on the international capitalist market are researched in debt but I will connect this to the study of power relations. Not only will this give insights into the local employees as active subjects that are engaged in various relationships of power, but it will also highlight how macro and micro-level actors mutually influence each other. Eventually, I will argue that these power relations are unequal and used by actors to preserve relations of power. Central to this thesis is a discussion of power as a dynamic and socially constructed relationship that can be used to preserve structures of power. This approach toward power follows Foucault in his understanding and goes against the idea of power as a possession. Power relations become visible in Chinese Multinational Corporations (MNCs) expanding overseas to Africa which has implications for actors at both the micro and the macro-level. Power relations visualize that all actors are involved in processes of legitimizing themselves and through this process produce and reproduce power relations.Show less
In 2015, the Sino-ROK bilateral relations were the strongest they had been since the establishment of full diplomatic relations in 1992. Due to increasing North Korean nuclear provocations in the...Show moreIn 2015, the Sino-ROK bilateral relations were the strongest they had been since the establishment of full diplomatic relations in 1992. Due to increasing North Korean nuclear provocations in the following year, the United States and South Korea decided to deploy THAAD, a US missile defense system. China felt that the presence of THAAD on the Korean peninsula infringed on Chinese national security and decided to impose informal sanctions on South Korea. The sanctions damaged the Sino-ROK ties, and Korean people’s opinion on China worsened drastically. This thesis examines the change in sentiment during the THAAD conflict and analyzes whether sentiments have improved since the normalization of the Sino-ROK relations since October of 2017 by performing a comment sentiment analysis on responses to newspaper articles that were published on South Korean online platform Naver during key events in the THAAD dispute. After the evaluation, sentiment analysis proved itself to be a good substitute of survey-based research methods as the results reflected existing polling data. Furthermore, this thesis finds that South Korean commenters’ sentiments in regard to China worsened steadily during the conflict and did not improve in the following years due to new issues and disputes arising between the two countries. The increase in anti-Chinese sentiment in the Korean population could make it more difficult to conduct diplomacy with China in the future.Show less
During the last decades, climate change appeared at the centre of the academic, political, and societal debate as it is a phenomenon that occurs to be increasingly urgent, given the existence of...Show moreDuring the last decades, climate change appeared at the centre of the academic, political, and societal debate as it is a phenomenon that occurs to be increasingly urgent, given the existence of environmental degradation and extreme weather events. Although developed states from the global north have contributed to climate change significantly, emerging economies that previously were part of the global south, cause rising greenhouse gas emissions as well. The problem requires a collective approach in terms of shared responsibility and multilateral cooperation; however, the architecture of global climate governance portrays to be fragmented. Resulting from the fact that the topic has not received much scholarly attention, this research seeks – by means of a thematic content analysis – to investigate how the trend towards centralised global climate governance through the Paris Agreement has changed the perspective on environmental policy. The research builds on the theoretical approach of liberalism, as well as the spectrum model that explains the degree of centralisation in climate cooperation. Based on the case of China as the world’s largest carbon dioxide emitter, it can be concluded that after the Paris Agreement entered into force, the nation’s perspective on environmental policy shifted politically/strategically and ideologically/socially.Show less
China’s rise in political power over the last decades has been reflected by its growing international influence, e.g., in international organisations like the World Bank or the United Nations....Show moreChina’s rise in political power over the last decades has been reflected by its growing international influence, e.g., in international organisations like the World Bank or the United Nations. Especially its role in the UN Security Council is of importance as China holds one of the permanent seats. One important agenda item of the SC is peacekeeping operations. China’s peacekeeping policy has attracted significant scholarly attention. However, there is a theoretical gap as previous research has not yet focused on the influence of institutions on China, in particular its peacekeeping approach. This study aims to fill this gap by looking at how China’s increase in political power affects its peacekeeping policy. In order to answer this question, this paper connects prior research findings with an analysis of UNSC meeting records on peacekeeping operations from 2000-2003 to explore China’s evolving peacekeeping policy. The analysis provides mixed results: While there is clear evidence for a path dependence and the critical juncture, there is ambiguity regarding a change in China’s peacekeeping policy after 2001.Show less
This research finds itself in the literature on the collective historical memory in China, a field within Sino-Japanese relations. Current scholarship in this sub-field has also discussed China’s...Show moreThis research finds itself in the literature on the collective historical memory in China, a field within Sino-Japanese relations. Current scholarship in this sub-field has also discussed China’s national identity (e.g., Suzuki 2007), official historical narratives (e.g., Vickers 2013), and the space for alternative narratives (e.g., Wang and Chew 2021). Recent studies have identified changes in China’s official history discourse, most notably the transition from a victimhood narrative to one of triumph (e.g., Mitter 2020). Based on these existing papers, it appears that the space for alternative narratives is an unsaturated topic compared to identity politics and official historical discourse, despite its potential for researching a wide variety of niche case studies. Authors that have already explored this topic, like Denton (2014) and Wang and Chew (2021), suggest that, besides the party-state, other factors like the market, popular culture, and the internet also influence this space for alternative narratives. This research explores the medium of cinema to learn how the production of a historical war drama comes about and what that says about the environment for memory-making in China. In particular, I analyze the Chinese war film ‘The Eight Hundred’ in the context of alternative historical memory. Uncovering the construction process of historical memory in China will provide insight into the practices of non-state actors. As such, the research question of this thesis is: How are the state and market currently involved in the process of memory-making through the production of historical war films in China?Show less
This thesis takes an in-depth look at policies and measures that the Chinese government has taken that will make it desirable to bear more children and how this has possibly changed the Chinese...Show moreThis thesis takes an in-depth look at policies and measures that the Chinese government has taken that will make it desirable to bear more children and how this has possibly changed the Chinese Communist Party’s perception of gender.Show less
For Chinese men, finding a partner has become a precarious struggle as there are approximately 30 million more men than women of 24-40 years old in China. Existing literature provides an insight...Show moreFor Chinese men, finding a partner has become a precarious struggle as there are approximately 30 million more men than women of 24-40 years old in China. Existing literature provides an insight into how this demographic reality affects men with a low social status, but how does China's younger generation of men deal with it? This thesis builds on data derived from interviews with eight male Chinese exchange students in the Netherlands. The data shows how my interviewees are willing to step out of the traditional path towards marriage, but are being held back by the consequences of China's demographic reality. The results should be considered with the limitations of this study, but despite these limitations, my research indicates the importance of researching China’s generation of younger middle to high-class men.Show less
South Korea-China bilateral relations deteriorated in the wake of the THAAD announcement in July of 2016. China considers the anti-ballistic missile defense system currently situated on South...Show moreSouth Korea-China bilateral relations deteriorated in the wake of the THAAD announcement in July of 2016. China considers the anti-ballistic missile defense system currently situated on South Korean soil a gross violation of their national security. Subsequently, Chinese public opinion of South Korea regressed swiftly due to negative representation of South Korea’s security policies throughout Chinese state media. In response, South Korea employed public and traditional diplomatic approaches to restore bilateral favorability. Through a mixed method exploratory study, which considers quantitative and qualitative data, the effectiveness of public diplomacy in the given context was clearly deduced . This approach is seldom employed in the field of diplomacy research and thus resulted in a more innovative understanding. The findings demonstrate the insignificant impact that public diplomacy had on Chinese public opinion subsequent to the THAAD incident. Influential Chinese state media, effective traditional diplomatic alternatives, and insufficient coordination represent the key roadblocks for public diplomacy’s efficiency in targeting the Chinese population. Anticipating these variables can facilitate further development of public diplomacy strategies by South Korean policy makers.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the reality of an externally initiated attempt to integrate the Chinese and European economies, without being asked for permission. China’s strategy has been a bottom up approach, reaching out to individual EU-member states and their publics with ambitions for bilateral agreements and mutual cooperation. Meanwhile, frictions caused by perceived incompatible political differences have been a source of turbulence for Sino-EU relations for decades. The impact of the BRI on these relations remains obscure, warranting research efforts. This thesis asks specifically how the BRI affects EU foreign policy towards China, using the pathways of connection framework to make inferences. The framework, founded in realism, liberalism and constructivism, takes a relational and practitioner-centred approach. To gather data, explaining-outcome process tracing is employed as a method, trying to provide minimally sufficient evidence to explain the occurrence of the phenomenon under study. The study finds that the BRI affects the EU and EU foreign policy in a broad range of categories, as China rigorously pursues its foreign policy interests. It concludes that Chinese efforts are met negatively by the EU, who in return tries to fortify its defences to prevent the BRI from growing roots on the European continent.Show less
