This thesis studies the discussion about the reforms of the Chinese government's family-planning law, using articles published by state-run news agency Xinhua. In particular, it examines the...Show moreThis thesis studies the discussion about the reforms of the Chinese government's family-planning law, using articles published by state-run news agency Xinhua. In particular, it examines the statements that authorities made about the abolition of the one-child policy. China's one-child policy has been gradually changed into a two-child policy in the last decade. Using methods of critical discourse analysis I conclude that the framing of these statements changed from an only choice frame to a best choice frame, with which Xinhua highlights that the CCP serves the people's best interests.Show less
This paper examines how rapid transformation of the food supply chain and continued state reform of food regulation is shaping the relationship between the State and private food processing...Show moreThis paper examines how rapid transformation of the food supply chain and continued state reform of food regulation is shaping the relationship between the State and private food processing industry and affecting food safety control systems. My findings reveal that the Chinese State is not relinquishing control of the food supply chain for the benefit of self-regulation of food production companies. On the contrary, the State appears to be tightening its grip on the course of national industry development through direct and indirect interference in the food supply chain, and an intensification of legislative and regulatory control, in order to secure national food supply and increase food safety and quality. Through an analysis of a production level perception of development of the State's influence versus self-regulation in a two-step exploratory research, I reason that, in contrast to the ambiguity portrayed in the literature, food processors are not confused about the State's strategy, the division of responsibilities or the role of industry associations. Furthermore, I observe that both consumers and processors recognise that, in China's current phase of development, strict state control is probably the best way forward. Finally, based on analysis of the current stakeholders' perceptions of risks and responsibilities in the rapidly transforming food supply chain in China, I raise doubts about the application of Beck's theory of 'risk society' to China.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to investigate cooperation between China and Europe and to identify changes in partnerships with the advancement of China’s space program. In the first part, a general...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to investigate cooperation between China and Europe and to identify changes in partnerships with the advancement of China’s space program. In the first part, a general overview of space exploration and the history of China’s space program is presented. China’s achievements and innovations in space had come comparatively late, but nowadays has China a become a world-class player in this field. Then thesis then analyses the structure of different space programs and the political environment that affects the development of partnerships. This continues with the economic benefits for both parties, including cost sharing, innovation and technology, access to resources, job employment and prestige. In conclusion, the thesis argues that cooperation between Europe and China in the field of space technology development has not been very intense from the start of national space programs in the early 1950s, but after the end of the cold war relations between China and in particular the West of Europe gradually became better. This thesis hopes to offer a valuable insight into changing roles in the field of aerospace by analysing China’s rapidly expanding space program.Show less
This master thesis is about the practices of collecting during the Northern Song Dynasty in China. It researches how external factors, like the social, political, and religious ones, influenced and...Show moreThis master thesis is about the practices of collecting during the Northern Song Dynasty in China. It researches how external factors, like the social, political, and religious ones, influenced and determined what was collected, by whom, and for what reason.Show less
The group of non-traditional bilateral aid donors is growing. Among these non-traditional donors are emerging donors, which can be characterized as countries which are both donor and recipient of...Show moreThe group of non-traditional bilateral aid donors is growing. Among these non-traditional donors are emerging donors, which can be characterized as countries which are both donor and recipient of aid. Emerging donor’s motives for aid provision are largely disputed. China, among others, is accused of acting out of self-interest, harming sustainable development and supporting rogue states. According to some estimates, China has become the second largest bilateral donor, and it is therefore an important player in the aid landscape. This study is aimed to clarify what China’s aid motives are and how they change over time. An analysis of policy documents and announcements present the official aid motives. An Ordinary Least Squares regression analysis of data provided by AidData (2016) allows for an examination of actual aid allocation. The results indicate that there is a discrepancy between the official and actual aid motives. The results also show that, between 2000 and 2014, China decided which countries would receive aid based on economic and strategic (self) interests. Among those countries which receive aid, the commitment was larger when the population was more in need. Strategic interests became more important over time whereas humanitarian needs became less important. Future research is needed before these results can be generalized and a consensus for all emerging donors can be established.Show less
As the largest developing nation of the world, it is the self-professed Chinese Dream to build a “democratic, culturally-advanced and harmonious modern socialist country” that projects a “new type...Show moreAs the largest developing nation of the world, it is the self-professed Chinese Dream to build a “democratic, culturally-advanced and harmonious modern socialist country” that projects a “new type of international relations featuring win-win cooperation,” (Arab Policy, FMPRC 2016). China’s economic rise in the 21st century has received immense speculation of both mainstream and Critical International Political Economy (IPE) scholars as to whether the country and its political establishment presents an ideological or economic challenge to neoliberal hegemony and the ideology of the Washington Consensus institutions. In the context of neo-Gramscian theory, this paper will focus on China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) as a case study to determine how China may be building a counter-hegemonic challenge through the promotion of this “new type of international relations”. What began as a far-flung dream of recreating the ancient Silk Road through the Eurasian continent has now evolved into a serious endeavor including more than 60 countries. Besides offering these countries richer ties to the global economy, the OBOR allows for wide-ranging projects to build super highways and bullet trains, to pipelines and deep sea ports linking a global supply chain for the swift transportation of goods and services. Accelerated development of the OBOR initiative spawn from two recent experiences which have fundamentally changed China’s position in the international political economy.Show less
The trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed....Show moreThe trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed. 2009:3), stresses China its focus on economic win-win situations (Hackenesch, 2011). Yet, as the EU and China have increasing shared interests, a more pragmatic approach to their foreign policies is emerging. China is slowly engaging with normative principles, for instance it has accepted the universality of human rights and has joined several international human rights conventions. The state is more open to normative principles, even though China promotes sovereignty and collective rights over international intervention and individual rights (Pu, 2013). A more pragmatic approach to foreign policy can enable and support trilateral cooperation in explicit areas such as security. Examples of currently existing trilateral cooperation are the joint fight against piracy in the Gulf of Aden, measures against the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW) and the peacekeeping mission in Mali. Also, the EU currently discusses China’s novel initiative for a modern-day silk road, known as the ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative and which has been called “the most ambitious infrastructure-based security initiative in the world today”. The title of this work ‘Here Be Dragons’ refers to unexplored and ‘dangerous’ gaps between the EU’s capabilities and its expectations. The purpose of the thesis is to examine the EU’s foreign policy performance, in particular its response to China’s growing presence in Africa, through the lens of the capability-expectations gap theory. According to Hill, a gap exists between what the EU ‘talks about’ and what the EU actually is able to accomplish. This study investigates how the EU’s agenda on trilateral cooperation with China and Africa changed since the entering in to force of the Lisbon Treaty, whether a capability-expectations gap exist regarding the EU’s security relations with China in Africa, and if so, how the EU could establish more effective cooperation the field of security and thus close this gap.Show less
This thesis looks at the freedom of press in China. A critical discourse analysis is conducted of newspaper articles of the Global Times and the Southern Weekend about the Tianjin harbor explosions.
Though Western thought gained popularity and legitimacy in legal education after economic reforms were initiated, the role of defence lawyers remains ambiguous. The Constitution of the People's...Show moreThough Western thought gained popularity and legitimacy in legal education after economic reforms were initiated, the role of defence lawyers remains ambiguous. The Constitution of the People's Republic of China does grant the accused the right of defence (see Appendix 4.1 Article 125). However, with a formal legal tradition, in which criminal prosecution, investigation, and trial are handled respectively through the three segments of the so called 'Iron Triangle' (police, procuracy, and judges), defence lawyers are admitted little room to operate as representatives of their client, but rather pose a minor obstacle to the prosecution. The legal mind-set is crime oppressive with higher value on crime control efficiency than accuracy of legal conduct within the court, as well as in the pre-trial investigatory phase. Therewith, traditionally the 'Iron Triangle' was firmly aimed against crime, or rather the accused himself. However, the case of the defence lawyer Li Zhuang in 2009/10 raises the question of an alternative aim of the 'Iron Triangle'. Instead of focusing on the prosecution of the accused (Gong Gangmo), the case took a turn against the defence lawyer, incriminating Li Zhuang by actually applying testimony of Gong, the accused. The paper argues that, as shown on the case of Li Zhuang, the 'Iron Triangle' of China's legal conduct is not simply aimed at the prosecution and conviction of the accused and therewith the impediment of crime, but against the criminal defence as a concept of law. This will be shown on examining the trial of Li Zhuang on the following four factors: formal legal rule that directly counters criminal defence, and therewith shows criminal defence oppression through the legislature itself; intrinsic institutional deterrents on criminal defence in the judiciary; ideological factors in China's legal tradition, which impede criminal defence indirectly and simultaneously renders legitimacy to the actions against criminal defence by legislature and judiciary; and finally political motifs.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to explore the role of Chinese economic involvement in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as in the specific case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, in order to evaluate the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to explore the role of Chinese economic involvement in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as in the specific case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, in order to evaluate the extent to which dependency theory accurately describes these relationships. While this paper argues that patterns of dependency might not be accurate in describing Sino-African trade, the same cannot be asserted when looking at Sino-Congolese trade, which appears to embody centre-periphery dynamics. However, when addressing Chinese economic relations with Congo, another major aspect that needs consideration is investment. The potential impact that Chinese investment could have in the DRC deepens the analysis on the nature of Sino-Congolese relationship and proves that dependency theory does not provide an accurate depiction even in the Congolese case.Show less
The Three Gorges Dam is currently the largest hydropower plant in the world. However, over the course of its twelve-year construction, it has caused a major flow of migration that encompassed more...Show moreThe Three Gorges Dam is currently the largest hydropower plant in the world. However, over the course of its twelve-year construction, it has caused a major flow of migration that encompassed more than 1.1 million people. Their former working and living environments have disappeared completely or become unusable. The research question addressed in this thesis is: to what extent were people forced to move because of the construction of the Three Gorges Dam in China and can they be identified as environmental refugees? The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the discourse on seeking refuge in connection to environmental change, in light of development-induced displacement.Show less
Hollywood has been the leading film industry in the cinematic universe for the past several decades. China on the other hand, has been one of the fastest rising economies during these same decades....Show moreHollywood has been the leading film industry in the cinematic universe for the past several decades. China on the other hand, has been one of the fastest rising economies during these same decades. China is one of the biggest markets for Hollywood to gain more exposure and income. However, the Chinese government has been known to influence society through the use of censorship. To research how Hollywood film studios cater towards the strict censorship laws of the CCP various (scholarly) sources media are studied. It is important to study the relationship between Hollywood and China because Chinese censorship influences what we see in all kind of films around the world.Show less
Although it appears that mainstream history has second ranked Central Eurasia, throughout most of history, the region has been at the forefront of world politics. Successively called Sogdiana by...Show moreAlthough it appears that mainstream history has second ranked Central Eurasia, throughout most of history, the region has been at the forefront of world politics. Successively called Sogdiana by the Arabs, Transoxiana by westerners or Turkestan, literally ‘land of the Turks’ by the Persians; the region has come to our minds as Central Asia. Until the Age of Discoveries, Central Asia constituted the nervous system of the Eurasian international system (Frankopan 2015). Historically, whoever dominated trade along Central Asia dominated the Eurasian landmass. Trade took place primarily between China and Europe while Central Asia acted as the middle man. As such, the native nomadic tribes pacified the region in order to foster trade. Intensive exchanges in goods, peoples and ideas were the hallmark of the Eurasian economy in which continental trade dominated. Land and see routes where integrated into a single international system in which Central Asia was located at the center while the rest of the world constituted the periphery (Beckwith 2009). In 1877, the distinguished German geologist Ferdinand von Richthofen coined the Eurasian economic system as the ‘Seidenstraße’: the Silk Route. Nevertheless, Central Asia’s golden era did not last. With the maritime expeditions of Columbus and Vasco de Gama the ‘Eurasian continental system’ began to unravel. The revolutionary discoveries of alternative sea routes led to the establishment of new trade lanes (Frankopan 2015). As Beckwith explains in his book Empires of the Silk Road, the final blow to the continental system was struck by the partitioning of Central Eurasia by the Russian and Chinese empires. Newly erected borders led to soaring tariffs and increasing insecurity causing trade to spiral downward. Economic disintegration brought about intellectual decay which further isolated the region (Starr et al 2015). As a result, trade along sea lanes became much more competitive. The fundamental shift in trade patterns ushered the ‘Littoral system’ characterized by mass maritime trade (Beckwith 2009). Consequently, the center of gravity shifted from Central Asia to the coastal peripheries who dominated the sea lanes. Mastering state of the art naval technology, European countries such as Britain became the primary beneficiaries of the new ‘Littoral system’. The maritime system endured with the creation of the canal of Suez and the establishment of the Soviet Union which redirected the ancient networks of the Silk Road to Moscow. For the next three centuries, the world witnessed the European Era followed by the American Era. However, the ‘Littoral system’ is not invulnerable. In his renowned article ‘The Geographical Pivot of History’, MacKinder outlines the threats facing the Littoral system; noteworthy, a reunified Eurasia. It seems that the tide is turning once more. In 1991, the Soviet Union disintegrated in what President Putin called “the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century". The momentous event enabled Central Asian people to regain their independence. Almost immediately, the European Union and Eastern European countries launched a bold trade and transportation project named the Transport Corridor Europe-Caucasus-Asia (TRACECA) with the aim of restoring the “Historical Silk Road” (Starr et al 2015). Inaugurated in great pomp, the weakly executed project met with little success (Matveeva 2006). Then, in the wake of the September 11 attacks, the United States intervened in Afghanistan in order to gain a foothold in the Central Asian area (Genté Régis 2014). In 2010, recognizing Afghanistan’s historical importance, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton instigated the News Silk Road initiative aimed at establishing Afghanistan as a key trade hub (Hormats 2011). Nonetheless, the project failed to receive the vital endorsement of the U.S. President and soon thereafter fell apart (Starr et al, 2015). Three years later, China’s supreme leader, President Xi Jinping, made an ambitious proposal for the revival of the Silk Road. Could Xi’s momentous plans succeed in revitalizing the Eurasian system?Show less
The Chinese housing market has been a significant contributor to economic growth in China: the rampant land sales and the abundant financing of real estate development proved to be an effective way...Show moreThe Chinese housing market has been a significant contributor to economic growth in China: the rampant land sales and the abundant financing of real estate development proved to be an effective way to boost GDP. Nevertheless, the construction boom that came along with the capitalist reforms led to numerous unforeseen consequences. The large numbers of unsold properties and vacant apartments bought by investors, especially in tier 3 and 4 cities, has left many wondering whether there is adequate demand to cope with the large housing supply. Simultaneously, prices in tier 1 cities have skyrocketed to unaffordable levels, leaving working class Chinese out of home ownership. This paper is therefore aimed at analyzing and understanding the developments of the capitalist housing market in China and how these problems came to be. It highlights the internal processes and political structures that have led to the existence of the problem.Show less
This thesis discuss the current power relations between the NGOs and teh state in China and explores the survival and struggle strategies used by the NGOs to achieve better autonomy under the...Show moreThis thesis discuss the current power relations between the NGOs and teh state in China and explores the survival and struggle strategies used by the NGOs to achieve better autonomy under the authoritarian rule of the party. This thesis introduces the development path of civil society in China, focusing on environmental NGOs and woemns rights NGOs. By studying the strategeis used by NGOs in these fields, this thesis aims at better capture the nature of power relations between state and NGOs in china.Show less
In this thesis, I discuss about the existence of an art theory in current Chinese policies to answer the main research question: what is Xi’s art theory and how does the Communist Chinese Party ...Show moreIn this thesis, I discuss about the existence of an art theory in current Chinese policies to answer the main research question: what is Xi’s art theory and how does the Communist Chinese Party (CCP) conceive of arts and literature (wenyi文艺)? Since arts and literature have been called upon to support and accelerate the achievement of the country’s goals, I will analyze the current Chinese situation from the perspective of art. Moreover, I will suggest that the formulation of an art theory by Xi, during the Beijing Forum on Literature and Art in 2014 , might be referring to the past to stress the element of continuity as legitimacy for the CCP’s rule and relevance.Show less
