This thesis examines the evolution of China's soft power strategies by comparing the nation branding elements of the Beijing Olympic Opening Ceremonies in 2008 and 2022. The research question...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of China's soft power strategies by comparing the nation branding elements of the Beijing Olympic Opening Ceremonies in 2008 and 2022. The research question explores the differences and similarities between the two ceremonies to shed light on China's changing position in the global system and its approach to projecting soft power. The analysis employs semiotic analysis and explores themes such as the past-future dichotomy and the appeal to norms and values.The study finds that the 2008 ceremony was part of China's "Olympic coming-out party" and focused on establishing the country as a rising power on the international stage. It emphasized China's development, heritage, and cultural identity, primarily for viewers unfamiliar with the country. In contrast, the 2022 ceremony demonstrated China's response to foreign criticisms and aimed to align itself with Western-centric norms and values. It showcased China's commitment to the international community and inclusivity by incorporating non-ethnically Chinese elements into the ceremony. The findings suggest that China's evolving soft power strategies align with its changing role in the global order. China's rise to a dominant player in the international system allows it to express its vision for the future and create a nation brand that portrays itself as modern, outward-looking, inclusive, and peace-promoting. However, China's exclusive nationalism and the Western-centric Olympic values of harmony and unity create a tension that challenges the believability of its nation branding attempts.Show less
Since the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping...Show moreSince the early 2000s, China has experimented with a range of development-oriented diplomatic initiatives based on multilateral regionalism. One of these initiatives is the Macau Forum, a grouping created in 2003 that brings China together with nine lusophone countries to promote economic and trade exchanges. This case study investigates China’s motives for creating and maintaining this multilateral project and examines perceptions from its lusophone participants. The significance of this analysis is that it provides a more granular understanding of the rationale and results of China’s ever-increasing promotion of alternative international development cooperation frameworks in the Global South. To research this topic, I relied primarily on historically-contextualised discourse analysis of primary material from diplomatic and academic sources. Results of this analysis reveal that China was motivated (1) to promote and test out a Chinese vision of development cooperation, (2) to strengthen Macau’s integration with mainland China and (3) to secure Beijing's diplomatic recognition among lusophone countries. Commentary from lusophone diplomats, however, highlights the lack of perceived concrete benefits for the Macau Forum’s participant members. On this basis, the Macau Forum can be likened to other China-led multilateral regional initiatives, such as the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), that are balanced asymmetrically in China’s favour.Show less
Mainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or...Show moreMainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or not. Such theories are too simplistic. Often overlooked is not only the complex domestic situation in Myanmar, but also how China and Myanmar cultivated a strong bilateral relationship during the NLD era. In order to account for Myanmar’s complex domestic context, this thesis analyses the security impact of the coup on the ethnic rebel-controlled areas bordering China, and the economic impact on the Sino-Myanmar pipelines, one of China’s major Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects. The research question of this study is: to what extent did China materially benefit from the February 1 coup in Myanmar? This thesis concludes that the coup increased the intensity of the conflict with EAOs, thus worsening the subsequent adverse conflict spill-over effect in the border areas. Furthermore, China’s BRI investments, including the pipelines, have historically been more secure under civilian NLD rule then under the military Tatmadaw rule. Thus, the February 2021 coup does not materially benefit China.Show less
This thesis examines the ways in which the People's Republic of China is portrayed in Dutch newspapers between 2019 and 2021. It uses Sinological-orientalism for its theoretical framework and...Show moreThis thesis examines the ways in which the People's Republic of China is portrayed in Dutch newspapers between 2019 and 2021. It uses Sinological-orientalism for its theoretical framework and applies a critical discourse analysis on 120 newspaper articles. It seeks to understand the relation between power and the knowledge of the People's Republic of China that is present in these newspaper articles.Show less
Taiwan’s flourishing economy together with its values, such as human rights and democracy, increase Taiwan’s international visibility and question Taiwan’s inability to join the UN, especially...Show moreTaiwan’s flourishing economy together with its values, such as human rights and democracy, increase Taiwan’s international visibility and question Taiwan’s inability to join the UN, especially since they share the same values. The PRC’s open disapproval of Taiwan’s independence as well as its power and influence hinders the UN from accepting Taiwan as a new member state. This thesis aims to research how the dynamics between the US and China within the structure of the UN affect Taiwan’s bid to become an internationally recognised state as well as how Taiwan tries to influence this process from outside the UN. Qualitative research together with a historical case study analysis and a conducted interview display that both the US and China use soft power as political strategies to gain more influence within the UN for their objectives, such as the support or opposition of Taiwan’s entry into the international community. Similarly, Taiwan also uses soft power to gain more allies and to increase its eligibility to enter the UN. Moreover, this thesis finds that divergent understandings of human rights divide the UN regarding their position on Taiwan’s official status and affect the decision-making process regarding Taiwan’s independence.Show less
The thesis examines the effects on the EU’s normative power on the ratification of the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment with China. The analysis applies a social constructivist framework to...Show moreThe thesis examines the effects on the EU’s normative power on the ratification of the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment with China. The analysis applies a social constructivist framework to test whether there are causal links between the EU’s commitment to its core norms and values and the stagnating ratification of the CAI in light of human rights violations in China. The research aims to answer to the question: What explains the lack of consensus over the ratification of the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment with China? Using process tracing, the thesis examines the Human Rights Dialogue, China’s Compliance with International Human Rights Law, sanctions and the EU’s Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime as causal mechanisms. The thesis concludes that the EU’s normative power has been one of the key reasons behind that the fact the CAI has not yet been ratified.Show less
This study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to...Show moreThis study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to test unused trade potential and predicts trade flows between China and the EU28 to estimate the unexhausted trade potential. The empirical results show that global Chinese trade flows follows a Heckscher-Ohlin model with dominant inter-industry trade. For Sino-European trade, Heckscher Ohlin explains EU exports. However for EU imports of China and total Sino-European trade flows, no model could be identified. The calculated Trade Complementarity Index shows that EU imports have a higher complementary with Chinese exports than EU exports and Chinese imports, indicating that the EU is a better export market for China than vice versa. The complementarity explains trade flows better than the conformity model and predicts unexhausted trade potential between the EU and China. Large unexhausted potential is mostly found in Chinese exports to the EU, indicating that China benefits most from improving trade relations between the EU and China. On the member state level, large heterogeneity in trade potential is found. A small number of member states outperform their predicted trade flows. Most EU member states have unexhausted export potential with China, and China has unexhausted export potential towards the majority of EU member states.Show less
Abstract In 2012, China established the 17+1-forum together with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It combined the forum in 2015 with the Belt and Road Initiative, an enormous Chinese...Show moreAbstract In 2012, China established the 17+1-forum together with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It combined the forum in 2015 with the Belt and Road Initiative, an enormous Chinese infrastructure investment project. The EU deems the forum problematic because it divides Member States (MSs) in terms of relations with China, preventing the EU from taking a common position on China. The EU fears that this and other consequences will deteriorate its functioning and security. However, despite the EU’s fears, twelve EU MSs still participate in the forum. This raises an important question: Why do governments of BRI-17+1-forum participants that are also EU MSs choose to cooperate with China, despite that the EU fears that this will deteriorate its functioning and security? The literature gives several arguments for this, but this thesis will only test whether one of these arguments, whether these EU MSs have come to see cooperation with China in the forum as “a viable alternative to the EU project” respectively, is a valid answer to this question. Based on case studies of Hungary, Lithuania, and Slovakia and the application of shelter theory, it is concluded that this argument played a role in the decision of these countries to participate in the BRI-17+1-forum. However, the study also shows that Lithuania, and to a lesser extent Slovakia, have started to consider the forum less important because expectations are not met and because of the risks involved in cooperating with China.Show less
Chinese dynasties are often described in terms of “universal emperorship”, because their territory was vast and they had a large influence on the wider region. This has also been applied to the Han...Show moreChinese dynasties are often described in terms of “universal emperorship”, because their territory was vast and they had a large influence on the wider region. This has also been applied to the Han dynasty, which is the first major Chinese dynasty. However, there is much evidence suggesting that the Han empire used a more limited notion of empire, which challenges the theory of universal emperorship. Therefore, this paper explores the question: to what extent does the foreign policy of the Han dynasty reflect the principle of universal emperorship? To answer this question, historical evidence about the foreign policy of the Former Han dynasty is analyzed according to three aspects of universal emperorship: political emperorship, geographical emperorship and cultural emperorship. This case study yields the conclusion that the foreign policy of the Han empire does not reflect the theory of universal emperorship. Instead, the Han dynasty accepted the independence of other states, and sought for equal relations with their leaders. This result suggests that the association between Chinese empires and universal emperorship has to be revised.Show less
This Masters’ thesis aims to answer the question of how China employs the pursuit of equitably distributed economic growth within the Chengdu-Chongqing city cluster (or shorter: Cheng-Yu cluster)...Show moreThis Masters’ thesis aims to answer the question of how China employs the pursuit of equitably distributed economic growth within the Chengdu-Chongqing city cluster (or shorter: Cheng-Yu cluster) in promoting the cluster in East Asian international production networks (IPNs). A proper and efficient division of labor across multiple locations – when well managed and guided by the government – factors significantly in the success of the city cluster, which is part of IPNs. This thesis intends to contribute to earlier research on the cluster by looking at the geographic differences in terms of development within the cluster. I conclude that the Chinese government envisions the promotion of the Cheng-Yu cluster in East Asian IPNs through the pursuit of equitably distributed economic growth by way of assigning roles to specifically defined cities, but the allocation of roles is very broad and a more well-defined distribution of roles may benefit the equitability of growth distribution and the effective incorporation in IPNs.Show less
China’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through...Show moreChina’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through infrastructure development, has remained a prominent contemporary issue for Southeast Asian states that are situated in one of China’s key geographical areas of interest for the BRI’s designated ‘Maritime Silk Road’. While on the one hand presenting itself as a solution to the region’s infrastructural challenges through investments, it simultaneously continues to clash with a number of states within Southeast Asia over territorial disputes within the South China Sea (SCS). In this sense, what China has gained in means of hard power, it can be argued to lack in soft power within the current regional order – a power vacuum that the implementation of developments under the banner of the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) component of the BRI could potentially resolve for China. In attempting to find an answer to the question “How has China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road affected state cohesion within Southeast Asia?”, a comparison has been made between five claimant states within the SCS region (the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, and Vietnam) to see how each of their positions has potentially been altered in light of China’s MSRI, and thereby ultimately their overall cohesion. By applying a congruence analysis, the explanatory power of realist and constructivist theoretical approaches have been tested to determine which variables have been decisive in foreign policy decision-making for the observed cases. While the variables related to realism have been concluded to be more decisive for a decrease in cohesion amongst the claimant states for the time being, developments under the banner of the BRI as well as the SCS disputes are in constant flux. Therefore no definitive conclusion can be drawn yet with respect to the direction of regionalism in Southeast Asia and the most suitable theoretical explanation thereof.Show less
This thesis argues that during the Abe and Suga administrations, Japan has been successful at pushing some of its key security objectives into the agendas of strategically important Southeast Asian...Show moreThis thesis argues that during the Abe and Suga administrations, Japan has been successful at pushing some of its key security objectives into the agendas of strategically important Southeast Asian states through the process of tactical hedging. Tactical hedging has allowed the Abe and Suga administrations to be flexible with its policy approach to the rise of China, allowing Japan to be firm on security issues in Southeast Asia when needed, while allowing room for friendly economic competition. This flexibility made security cooperation with Japan more viable for Southeast Asian states, as none of the countries wish to pursue a hard-line China containment policy. The Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision, which has seen notable alterations by the Abe and Suga administration to address the needs of their Southeast Asian partners, and Japan refraining from openly criticizing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are examples of Japan taking the concerns of its Southeast Asian partners into account. While still at an early stage, the results of Japan’s tactical hedging can be seen within Japan’s improved security relations with Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam. These three countries, which belong to the largest economies of ASEAN, and are faced with China’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, will therefore be used to support the importance of tactical hedging for security cooperation in East Asia.Show less
Expansion of China's sphere of influence in Iran reflects a small episode of a larger picture on the global scale, a process by which China is rapidly devouring the world’s natural resources to...Show moreExpansion of China's sphere of influence in Iran reflects a small episode of a larger picture on the global scale, a process by which China is rapidly devouring the world’s natural resources to feed its growing domestic economy and, conversely, is pumping huge amounts of goods and capital out into the world economy. By focusing on the historical evolution process of Chinese investments in plenty of projects and its interests in expanding infrastructure networks in Iran, this thesis inquiry into the economic and political implications of Chinese investments in Iran. The objective is to explore and analyze how this process will be accompanied by two distinct but intertwined geoeconomic and geopolitical consequences: (a) intensify the integration of Iran's economy in China’s global and regional economic projects in accordance with maximizing the process of its domestic capital accumulation and, simultaneously, (b) preserving the configuration of uneven development of Iran’s capitalism through becoming a subordinated economy to meet the requirements of China’s economic development, which leads, however, to the strengthening and consolidation of China’s hegemony and influence as a superior power. Criticizing the mainstream state-centric approach and applying the dialectical method, the Marxist theory deal with the process of internal contradictions, expansion-oriented, and the accumulation-driven tendency of capital as the innermost driving force of the capitalist production and the associated power relations and ongoing competitions between the states and enterprises in the capitalist world-system.Show less
China’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought....Show moreChina’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought. However, little research has been done on how power is perceived within this field. The state claims to be non-interventionist but still sent an increasing amount of combat troops to Africa. It is unknown if the end goal is to provide aid or if there is more to it. This study intends to research what China’s model for peace and development within the mission of South Sudan entails, both theoretically and practically, and how it might use an underlying strategy of smart power. Herein, Nye’s concept of smart power is a way for a nation to maximise its strength through a combination of hard and soft power. In order to measure smart power, the components of military, economic, and affective and normative soft power were used. Military and economic power exist on as spectrum ranging from hard to soft power, whilst soft power is also devised into tangible and intangible assets. To research power, the thesis has used a variation of academic sources, databases, newspapers, and official governmental papers. These were chosen as to examine official reporting and factual outcomes. The results showed that the Chinese model for development contains soft power elements, whilst its activities in South Sudan employ both soft and hard power. The results therefore suggest that China might pursue a smart power strategy to safeguard its own interests. The realist concept of power still holds up today and might prove valuable to research more areas of power in UN missions on the African continent.Show less
The Ebola outbreak revealed that despite decades of restructuring, fundamental problems still exist within African (public) healthcare sectors. Several actors are now engaged in the African health...Show moreThe Ebola outbreak revealed that despite decades of restructuring, fundamental problems still exist within African (public) healthcare sectors. Several actors are now engaged in the African health sector, including traditional partners from the Global North, the private sector and increasingly more partners from the Global South. This thesis examines in what ways Cuba's and China's development cooperation with Ebola-affected states in the 2014-2016 Ebola epidemic reflect an approach to leverage sustainable donor-driven health interventions in crisis settings. Based on a review of the literature on the sustainability of health interventions in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), a tailored framework was developed for short-term health interventions in crisis settings. This framework revolves around four aspects of analysis: 1. intervention of development partners and organisational setting, 2. stakeholder involvement and context awareness, 3. performance and flexibility and 4. sustainability. A between-case analysis of Cuba's and China's health interventions in the Ebola-affected states suggests that their interventions can be considered semi-sustainable. The analysis confirms that any intervention intended for the short-term in a public health crisis should be beneficial for the long-term. This thesis further discusses the benefits and challenges encountered by both development partners in SSA. The results also suggest that health systems strengthening in SSA require better coordination of aid towards the direct health needs of African people and a more holistic approach to health.Show less
