Research master thesis | Archaeology (research) (MA/MSc)
open access
The Tang (唐) dynasty (618 – 907 C.E.), and to a lesser extent the Sui (隋) dynasty (589 – 617 C.E.) that directly preceded it, is often considered to be China’s premier ‘Golden Age’, the height of...Show moreThe Tang (唐) dynasty (618 – 907 C.E.), and to a lesser extent the Sui (隋) dynasty (589 – 617 C.E.) that directly preceded it, is often considered to be China’s premier ‘Golden Age’, the height of its cultural expression and the peak of its international trade. By contrast, the preceding period of disunity, often called the Six Dynasties period (六朝) (220 – 589 C.E.), stands out as a time of great chaos, uncertainty, and isolation in the minds of many both today and at the time of the Tang. A clear schism thus exists in our image of China in the first millennium C.E.. Yet this image comes to us mainly from written sources both ancient and modern, and is rarely independently analysed based on the archaeological remains of the periods. The aim of this thesis is to place archaeological material from China, which played a role in the ancient Silk Road trade network during the first millennium C.E., on a level with the historical sources, to find where they may coincide with or contradict each other, thus enriching our understanding of China’s role in the world of the first millennium C.E.. In order to do so, the thesis poses the question whether this schism of China’s active participation in international trade between the Six Dynasties and Tang periods can be traced in the archaeological evidence of trade from these periods, by studying a selection of Chinese archaeological material dating to the first millennium C.E. and analysing it through the lens of a world-systems and globalisation theoretical framework. The material used comes from Paul Ruitenbeek Art Gallery in Amsterdam, as well as several museum collections and academic and non-academic publications, as this is a topic not widely explored in academia. The Case Studies are organised into the themes of ‘Trade and travel represented’, ‘Exported items: luxury and practicality’, ‘Currency on the Silk Roads’, and ‘Influential style and beauty’. Ultimately, based on the combination of historical context, previous research, the case studies, and the theoretical framework, the conclusion is reached that while significant changes can be observed in China’s political situation and its involvement within the Silk Road trade network throughout the first millennium C.E., and these developments are at times closely influenced by each other, they are not intrinsically linked, as it was in fact the adaptability of the network and its various players that allowed the network to persist over such a long 128 period of time. Further research is needed to gain a true understanding of China’s role in the Silk Road trade network during the first millennium C.E..Show less
As part of China’s quest of regaining its superpower status in world politics, the country has launched a comprehensive transportation system called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This BRI is...Show moreAs part of China’s quest of regaining its superpower status in world politics, the country has launched a comprehensive transportation system called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This BRI is accompanied with large-scale investment programmes in primarily the infrastructural and energy sector. One of the destinations of these investments, called FDI, is the Western Balkan region. This region consists of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia. These countries are at different stages of their accession process to the European Union (EU). Unclarity exists amongst scholars whether the Chinese FDI that these countries receive obstruct their accession process towards the EU, i.e. their Europeanization process. By means of a longitudinal small-N MSSD-I research, it is investigated whether Chinese FDI negatively affects the Europeanization in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia and Serbia. This research concludes that the Europeanization in the Western Balkans is indeed negatively affected by Chinese FDI, although this effect is of a less than proportional nature. This research also indicates which specific chapters of the acquis communautaire and which Copenhagen criteria of the Europeanization are negatively impacted, and whether this effect is limited or strong. Furthermore, it inquires how the Europeanization in the Western Balkans can be explained: is the logic of appropriateness or the logic of consequentiality better suited for clarifying this process? In other words, do the Western Balkan states feel an intrinsic connection to the European identity, or do they want to become EU member states because of the material benefits accompanied with accession? This research finds that the logic of consequentiality prevails over the logic of appropriateness in explaining the Europeanization in the Western Balkans. Nevertheless, both logics of action are still relevant for acquiring a full understanding of the acquis adoption in candidate member states.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
It is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’...Show moreIt is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’ unique dataset, which accounts for 198 states worldwide and the time period 1999-2012, four hypotheses are tested by performing ordered logit regression and Tobit regression analyses. Anticipating the results, the five main findings are presented here. For unambiguous interpretation, note that ‘Chinese investment’ refers to investment in overseas oil and gas assets. First, contrary to the impression obtained from media reports quoted above, Chinese investment is more likely to be accepted in states with institutional designs ranking higher in terms of institutional quality. Second, rentier states, whose leaders politically depend on the control over natural resources, do not take the expected defensive stance towards Chinese investments. Instead, a host country’s oil dependence is positively related to not only deal completion per se, but also to the amount of money invested. Gas dependence, on the other hand, is not significant in any of the models presented here. Third, Chinese investment is not only more likely, but also granted in higher volumes, in states that rank higher in terms of creditworthiness. Fourth, the financial crisis has provided all three Chinese investors - the NOCs, CDB, and CIC - with an opportunity to increase chances of deal completion as well as the amount invested. Fifth, separate analyses for Asia indicate that Chinese investment follows different patterns in its regional neighborhood, highlighting the need for further research to build on this thesis.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
2017-01-01T00:00:00Z
Why do democracies not go to war with other democracies? The idea that the internalized liberal-democratic norms of peaceful conflict resolution within a democratic society are responsible for the...Show moreWhy do democracies not go to war with other democracies? The idea that the internalized liberal-democratic norms of peaceful conflict resolution within a democratic society are responsible for the democratic peace, also referred to as the normative explanation, remains subject to a particular lack of empirical academic attention. The few studies into the normative explanation have not tested what should be tested: whether liberal democratic norms indeed affect the behavior of democratic citizens in comparison to the behavior of nondemocratic citizens. This research performs an improved empirical test and studies (1) whether liberal norms exist in a democracy in comparison to a non-democracy and (2) whether these norms have an effect on the individuals of these societies concerning the wish to use force in International Relations. An experimental design showed that there was no significant difference between a group of Dutch students and a group of Chinese students when it comes to the use of force in IR. A marginal effect of the regime type for the democratic citizens was found. Remarkably, in a comparison with the autocratic experimental group, these democratic citizens turned out not to be specifically more peaceful towards other democracies, but rather more war-prone towards autocracies. The overall conclusion of this study is that for both experimental groups the perception of threat was the main indicator for a decision to attack. This research argues that, in contrast with earlier research, there is no support to the claim that the normative explanation can explain the empirically found peace between democracies.Show less
