China and Europe have significantly expanded their economic relations in recent years. However, this cooperation has developed at a slower pace in the political realm. Both actors expressed their...Show moreChina and Europe have significantly expanded their economic relations in recent years. However, this cooperation has developed at a slower pace in the political realm. Both actors expressed their willingness to translate their economic ties into a “strategic partnership” which will allow China and Europe to represent more of a building blocks in the international system. The main narrative in the EU-China literature is that China and Europe are too ideologically distant and thus, they will never achieve a strong partnership that goes beyond economic cooperation. Moreover, the literature presents China as an assertive actor that is looking outward just to gain economic and political advantages and the sympathy of like-minded countries. It is not a surprise that when in March 2019 the Italian government decided to join China in the construction of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), The US and other major European countries have highly criticized Italy’s naïveté. Contributing to critical scholarship, this thesis engages in constructivist theory to analyse the different identities and normative drivers underlying European and Chinese BRI discourse. This thesis argues that European and Chinese identities are not fixed concepts and since the establishment of the BRI, Europe and China have presented themselves with divergent identities. This thesis aimed to provide an answer to the question why, and to what extent, Italian participation in the BRI proves that, despite some important normative differences that underline EU-China relations, in reality, EU members can overcome this identity clash and engage in a constructive dialogue with China that is neither detrimental nor dangerous for the EU. This thesis offers a contribution to the realist dominated BRI literature by outlining the constructivist forces that shape EU-China relations. The finding of this research add a constructivist voice to the ongoing debate around the BRIShow less
The Chinese Communist Party considers it its plight to modernize the country and make it a stable and innovative global competitor/leader with a well-backed middle class, while at the same time set...Show moreThe Chinese Communist Party considers it its plight to modernize the country and make it a stable and innovative global competitor/leader with a well-backed middle class, while at the same time set future technology standards. One aspect of such modernization is the technological development of the online gaming industry that has been growing almost exponentially in revenue over the last two decades and has plenty of room for further economic investment, technological standardization and norm setting. This thesis aims to find out how the Chinese government during Xi Jinping’s presidency has projected its national plans on the Chinese gaming industry. Its conclusion is based on a policy analysis of national plans that is supported by literature that address themes such as internet governance, soft power and nationalism.Show less
According to many scholars, the Chinese media increasingly subjugates women and depicts them in relation to marriage, and by extension home and motherhood. Women who do not adhere to these ideals,...Show moreAccording to many scholars, the Chinese media increasingly subjugates women and depicts them in relation to marriage, and by extension home and motherhood. Women who do not adhere to these ideals, are stigmatized by the media. At the same time, the media bestows men with important social roles and expectations. In my research, I investigated whether single men and single women are indeed depicted according to different standards.Show less
This year marks the 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen protests and their violent crackdown in 1989. Since then, many of the Tiananmen activists succeeded in leaving their home country and settling...Show moreThis year marks the 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen protests and their violent crackdown in 1989. Since then, many of the Tiananmen activists succeeded in leaving their home country and settling in the U.S., choosing the country known as one of the most prominent advocators for democracy (Béja 2003:440). In the U.S., individual activists as well as organized groups have lobbied for their interest of democratizing China, forming a movement that is called Overseas Chinese Democracy Movement (OCDM). The OCDM organizations have played a major role in influencing bilateral relations between the U.S. and China (Chen 2014a:1). However, observers around the world have witnessed in recent years that governments have increasingly opposed democracy and rights organizations, constraining organizations’ activities by erecting legal barriers (Wolff & Poppe 2015:i). This phenomenon is called the “Closing Space phenomenon” (ibid.) and describes the growing resistance against democracy and human rights promotion. Closing Space has been mostly studied in authoritarian and semi-authoritarian countries, yet scholars have noted a similar trend in some democratic countries, including the U.S. (Celermajer & Avnon 2019:674). Thus, the question is whether the U.S. government still supports groups promoting democracy in China, or whether it has also started to oppose democracy and rights organizations such as those of the OCDM. Currently, there is a major research gap on a potential Closing Space in the U.S. This means that a potential increasingly hostile political and civil climate is not addressed nor understood by academia. This lack of knowledge can contribute to a fundamental erosion of civil society organizations which provide essential democracy and rights advocacy both within and outside the U.S. With regards to OCDM organizations1, increasing barriers to their work can lead to very tangible deteriorations of human rights in China. By investigating the Closing Space phenomenon in the U.S., we can better understand which challenges U.S. based human rights organizations face. With regards to the current power struggles between the central Chinese government and democracy activists in Hong Kong, as well as continuing human rights violations against Uighur minorities in Xinjiang, the question of democracy and human rights in China is more relevant than ever. Hence, OCDM organizations’ relentless fight for democracy and human rights in China is of utmost significance. By raising this research problem, the thesis aims to target two underserved bodies of literature: first, the Closing Space phenomenon in democracies such as the U.S. (Chaudhry & Heiss 2018), and second, theoretical research on the OCDM and its members (Chen 2018:110). Scholarly literature on civil society organizations reflects three major perspectives, namely Social Movement Theory, Political Opportunity Structure, and the Closing Space phenomenon. These research fields provide valuable insight, especially in understanding social movements as “collective efforts to pursue [common] interests” (Flacks 2004:135), viewing political opportunity structures as ‘filters’ between movement mobilization and the choice of strategies and movement impact (Kitschelt 1986:59, Teräväinen 2010:197), as well as the Closing Space phenomenon that sees the recent assertive pushback against democracy and human rights advocacy as a defensive reaction of mostly authoritarian leaders that fear popular uprisings (Carothers 2016:358, 364). Despite providing key insights, these bodies of literature do not provide a satisfactory understanding of current challenges faced by democracy and rights organizations in the U.S. This master thesis will address this research gap and contribute to an improved understanding of OCDM organizations’ struggles specifically and research on Closing Space and POS more generally. The thesis argues that the Closing Space concept offers a valuable advancement of POS theory as it overcomes the structural determinism of POS and acknowledges organizations’ individual differences and subjective interpretations.Show less
In my work, I will be discussing specifically the recent Chinese influence on transportation in Nigeria, mostly through investments in railways. I will present it in a frame of China-Africa...Show moreIn my work, I will be discussing specifically the recent Chinese influence on transportation in Nigeria, mostly through investments in railways. I will present it in a frame of China-Africa relations with the history and specifics of China-Nigeria relations included. To explain the partnership on railway development, it will be essential to present the condition of Nigerian transportation and its struggles. I will also discuss the significance of transportation infrastructure in general. For a better understanding of conclusions, I will also explain the relative and absolute gains theory. As I mentioned, there already are plenty of works discussing different aspects of China-Africa relations. Therefore, I will include the main points emerging from the existing analyses with my comment on it. It is significant for my framework to present the debate on China-Africa relations as it contains general arguments on the advantages and disadvantages of the partnership for Africa. I will address those in my analysis. The literature review will also contain phrases and language used in the public debate that was crucial in shaping the relationship. In the final chapters, the data and the discussion about it will be analysed from the perspective of relative and absolute gains.Show less
Newspapers all around the world have been reporting on the COVID-19 epidemic very frequently. Every newspaper however, has constructed their own narrative on the crisis, as well as on how the...Show moreNewspapers all around the world have been reporting on the COVID-19 epidemic very frequently. Every newspaper however, has constructed their own narrative on the crisis, as well as on how the People's Republic of China dealt with it. This thesis will show how "The Guardian" and the "People's Daily" have each constructed their own distinct narratives on the COVID-19 epidemic in China.Show less
This thesis addresses the misrepresentations of contemporary Chinese artworks in the global art arena. The identity of these contemporary Chinese artists (how these artists represent themselves and...Show moreThis thesis addresses the misrepresentations of contemporary Chinese artworks in the global art arena. The identity of these contemporary Chinese artists (how these artists represent themselves and how they are represented in the global art world) is central in this research.Show less
The 2001 war in the Islamic State of Afghanistan has devastated the lives and livelihoods of millions of Afghans, and drew in the international community in the pursuit of establishing a peaceful...Show moreThe 2001 war in the Islamic State of Afghanistan has devastated the lives and livelihoods of millions of Afghans, and drew in the international community in the pursuit of establishing a peaceful Afghanistan. On the 29th of February 2020, the US and the Taliban signed an agreement to bring peace to Afghanistan, the Doha Agreement. While the peace developments remain in uncharted territory, China has been taken on a more prominent role in supporting the peace processes in Afghanistan by facilitating peace talks, fostering regional cooperation through the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan (RECCA). Then, how is China’s broader engagement in Afghanistan contributing to the peacebuilding processes in Afghanistan? By using a combined approach to peacebuilding, this research reviews China's contribution in the dimensions of jump-starting the national economy, re-establishing the framework of governance, repairing key transportation, communication and utility networks, rebuilding key social infrastructure, assisting local population, demine where applicable and normalise financial borrowing and the Chinese behaviour toward the non-state armed actor, the Taliban. This research concludes that China's involvement does not conclusively contribute to, nor hinder, the peacebuilding efforts. Rather, China’s contributions to the Afghan peace occur largely in the economic sphere, through investment in Afghan infrastructure and the normalisation of financial borrowing, and by posing as a mediator between parties involved in the Afghan conflict, notably the Taliban.Show less
This thesis takes the THAAD incident as a case study to explore the influence of political factors on the mass consumption of Korean Popular Culture in China.
The 2018 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Beijing was an historic event to chart the next stage of Sino-African relations. The event was also symbolic in showcasing a FOCAC that is co...Show moreThe 2018 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Beijing was an historic event to chart the next stage of Sino-African relations. The event was also symbolic in showcasing a FOCAC that is co-owned by China and Africa. In view of growing Sino-African cooperation under the FOCAC, this thesis researches how Chinese and African media framed this edition of the FOCAC. I ask the following research question: What are the implications of Chinese and African news outlets’ different discourses of the FOCAC for China’s soft power in African countries? The thesis uses selected media from China (Xinhua, CGTN) and Africa (The Star, Daily Nation, Vanguard, Ahram Online, SABC News). I use content and discourse analyses of news articles and reports of the 2018 FOCAC to distinguish different versions of the FOCAC story, as well as themes emphasized by the respective news outlets. I also conduct a visual analysis of television items concerning the FOCAC where I examine their source and emphasized discursive elements in the visual materials. By conducting this multifaceted analysis of media discourse of the FOCAC, this thesis adds a new angle to scholarly research on Chinese soft-power and cultural diplomacy in Africa.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to assess how sustainability and eco-cities are positioned in the political economy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The research is based on the assessment of...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to assess how sustainability and eco-cities are positioned in the political economy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The research is based on the assessment of secondary sources and the evaluation of two indexes on urban sustainability. Urban sustainability (assessment) has been evaluated through a critical review of existing literature, combined with new arguments to develop an extensive normative assessment of urban sustainability. The work concludes that urban sprawl is not sufficiently identified as a factor in urban sustainability (assessment). Consequently, three structural neglections in politics and policy that obstruct a better assessment and realisation of sustainability in the urban context are identified: (1) urban sprawl, (2) integrated assessment, and (3) structural influences from current political frameworks. A focus on integrated assessment and anti-sprawl measures is proposed for the rearrangement of urban sustainability assessment.Show less
The relationship between Thailand and China is very vast topic. It is very extensive and has played a big part in influencing the Thai culture. Migration of Chinese to Thailand is a part of the...Show moreThe relationship between Thailand and China is very vast topic. It is very extensive and has played a big part in influencing the Thai culture. Migration of Chinese to Thailand is a part of the Thai Chinese relationship that this thesis will be examining. Evidence of Chinese settlers has been dated back to the 12th century. History has shown that through circumstantial reason and cultural similarity Chinese migrants has adapted to the Thai society to the point of becoming a part of it. Despite this, in the modern time, newer Chinese migrants and the host country are facing challenges within a world that has becomes more complicated than the ones in the past. This leads to the question of viability of Chinese assimilation in modern times. This thesis seeks to draw a comparative analysis of two different waves of Chinese migration to Thailand from the year 1918-1955 and the year 1979- present. This will be done through examining the governmental policy and international relation that surrounds the migration from both Thailand and China.Show less
China is the largest global producer and exporter in the rare earth industry. Nonetheless, the Chinese government decided to implement protectionist export policies since the country faced several...Show moreChina is the largest global producer and exporter in the rare earth industry. Nonetheless, the Chinese government decided to implement protectionist export policies since the country faced several issues in its domestic rare earth industry. China started the export restrictions around 2008 but the situation escalated in 2010 when China cut off 40% of its exports. This decision has led to a lot of disagreement between China and the rest of the world since many importing countries depend on China’s rare earth elements. Moreover, there was a lot of disagreement in the academic world as well since some scholars have analysed China’s export restrictions as a policy that supports development in its domestic rare earth industry whereas other scholars argued that China’s protectionist export policies did not support development. This thesis is a study on China’s export restrictions in its rare earth industry and aims to identify if China’s protectionist export policies have contributed to a solution for China’s domestic issues in its rare earth industry.Show less
In the last few years, the topic of sustainable development has gained international traction. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s) are far diverse and far-reaching. Therefore, for China to...Show moreIn the last few years, the topic of sustainable development has gained international traction. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s) are far diverse and far-reaching. Therefore, for China to achieve the 2030 SDG’s, China needs to take a multistakeholder approach. This thesis focuses on the youth as the primary stakeholder for analysis. The role that youth participation plays towards SDGs in China, however, remains relatively unexplored in academic research. Yet the youth is an important stakeholder, as it holds significant importance for their future. The youth in China represents a significant demographic where 227 million youths account for 17% of the population. This thesis seeks to take an exploratory approach to understand how youth participation (YP) in China plays a role in China’s national and international ambitions to achieving global SDGs. Because of the lacuna in literature which connects youth participation, the SDG’s and China simultaneously, the relevance and current debates that contribute to the context of SDGs in China and youth participation are first explored separately in the first two chapters. Before introducing the case studies, the third chapter outlines the theoretical framework. The theoretical framework has chosen contemporary models of Jans and Backer youth work and social participation1 and the Typology of Youth Participation and Empowerment (TYPE) framework. They are used to understand social context and the influence of the youth-adult power dynamic in youth participation of the SDGs in China. The fourth chapter introduces the methodology, the case studies, and limitations of the research. The fifth chapter highlights findings of youth participation, and the last chapter provides analysis and discussion of the results to answer the research question.Show less
In the summer of 2019, over a million people took to the streets of Hong Kong to protest a highly unpopular extradition law. Despite the withdrawal of the law, the protests continued for the rest...Show moreIn the summer of 2019, over a million people took to the streets of Hong Kong to protest a highly unpopular extradition law. Despite the withdrawal of the law, the protests continued for the rest of the year, throwing Hong Kong into turmoil, as protesters advocated for freedom and democracy. As a result, the 2019 Hong Kong protests became one of the most heavily covered events in the media, both nationally and internationally. The demonstrations received an especially large amount of attention in Taiwan and China, due to their proximity to Hong Kong and the Chinese government’s involvement in the protests. While Taiwanese politicians came out in support of protesters’ call for independence, the Chinese government’s increased involvement in Hong Kong’s inner affairs served as a catalyst for the protests. This study analyzed the discourse of 24 editorials covering the Hong Kong protests from two newspapers; the Taipei Times (Taiwan) and the Global Times (China). An inductive discourse analysis was utilized to see which linguistic and thematic methods were used by the authors to shape the reader's perception of the protests according to their newspaper’s ideology. Results showed that while the two newspapers’ coverage of the Hong Kong protests could not have been more different thematically, using opposing narratives and arguments, their style and rhetoric had a tendency to overlap, using similar rhetorical methods to get their viewpoints across to the readers.Show less
This thesis proposes the ancient Chinese philosophy of Confucianism as an analytical lens to study Chinese foreign policy. The need for a framework consisting of Confucian teachings emerges from...Show moreThis thesis proposes the ancient Chinese philosophy of Confucianism as an analytical lens to study Chinese foreign policy. The need for a framework consisting of Confucian teachings emerges from the limited perspectives mainstream Western IR can offer to the theories evolving around the rise of China. There is value in looking at Chinese foreign relations through Confucianism because it shows cultural and social behavioural aspects, which govern Chinese society, and thus, contributes a different approach to the study of IR. The presented case study of China’s foreign policy toward the Middle East takes into account context specific, relational elements in order to obtain valuable insights. By applying a framework consisting of Confucian teachings on governance, order, and relationship, this thesis demonstrates an interpretation of Chinese foreign policy that has been disregarded by mainstream Western IR scholarship until now.Show less
This thesis investigates the sustainability and benefits of Sino-Turkish cooperation within the Turkish energy and transport sectors. Through the application of concepts such as "energy security"...Show moreThis thesis investigates the sustainability and benefits of Sino-Turkish cooperation within the Turkish energy and transport sectors. Through the application of concepts such as "energy security" and "environmentally sustainable transport" the research results can be presented coherently along firm boundaries. Increasing Chinese influence seems to be beneficial for Turkey to achieve its 2023 goals of becoming an important energy and transport hub. However, the aspired ecological sustainability of the cooperation is endangered through the use of traditional sources of energy and transport.Show less
This thesis uses Hermann’s (1990) model of foreign policy change to analyse the research question: Why was the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act only adopted into public law in November 2019...Show moreThis thesis uses Hermann’s (1990) model of foreign policy change to analyse the research question: Why was the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act only adopted into public law in November 2019, despite its introduction into US legislation years earlier in 2014? Through tracking the progress of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act (HKHRDA) from its introduction in 2014 to its final signing into law in 2019, it has shown that bureaucratic advocacy and external shocks were the primary change agents driving the foreign policy change. Previous versions of the bill failed to pass the final stages of the decision-making process. However, in 2019, changes in the international context were crucial to the passing of the bill. That year, the external shock of the Hong Kong protests escalated to such an extent that Congressional legislators felt compelled to unite and take action. Rising geopolitical tensions between China and the United States also affected domestic American politics, contributing to the growing bipartisan Congressional support for a stronger stance against China on the issue of Hong Kong and pass the HKHRDA into law, despite resistance from the Trump administration. The symbolic value of the law was greater than its actual changes to US legislation, as it did not grant the government new instruments of statecraft it did not already possess. Still, the law was a clear show of Congressional support for the pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong, and a political statement against the central Chinese and Hong Kong government’s policies in the city. This was instrumental in pushing the administration to change its approach towards HK, and with the HKHRDA, US HK policy became submerged in its American foreign policy towards China.Show less
