This thesis researches the different view of China on soft power by analysing China's media discourse in Chinese English-language media channels on Covid-19. The Chinese government has a more...Show moreThis thesis researches the different view of China on soft power by analysing China's media discourse in Chinese English-language media channels on Covid-19. The Chinese government has a more different stance in believing that soft power can be generated and created, similar to hard power being created with the use of greater military force and economic power. Soft power, in Nye’s view, is a by-product of other things, not something you can “create” in and of itself. A notable shift in narrative can be identified between the two periods and media channels selected for this thesis. Consequently, China’s attempt at creating soft power is made visible by this shift in narrative.Show less
Expansion of China's sphere of influence in Iran reflects a small episode of a larger picture on the global scale, a process by which China is rapidly devouring the world’s natural resources to...Show moreExpansion of China's sphere of influence in Iran reflects a small episode of a larger picture on the global scale, a process by which China is rapidly devouring the world’s natural resources to feed its growing domestic economy and, conversely, is pumping huge amounts of goods and capital out into the world economy. By focusing on the historical evolution process of Chinese investments in plenty of projects and its interests in expanding infrastructure networks in Iran, this thesis inquiry into the economic and political implications of Chinese investments in Iran. The objective is to explore and analyze how this process will be accompanied by two distinct but intertwined geoeconomic and geopolitical consequences: (a) intensify the integration of Iran's economy in China’s global and regional economic projects in accordance with maximizing the process of its domestic capital accumulation and, simultaneously, (b) preserving the configuration of uneven development of Iran’s capitalism through becoming a subordinated economy to meet the requirements of China’s economic development, which leads, however, to the strengthening and consolidation of China’s hegemony and influence as a superior power. Criticizing the mainstream state-centric approach and applying the dialectical method, the Marxist theory deal with the process of internal contradictions, expansion-oriented, and the accumulation-driven tendency of capital as the innermost driving force of the capitalist production and the associated power relations and ongoing competitions between the states and enterprises in the capitalist world-system.Show less
On January 1st 2020 China will enact a new Foreign Investment Law. Even before its enactment, this law is already a hot topic of debate: it is the first time in 40 years since the Foreign...Show moreOn January 1st 2020 China will enact a new Foreign Investment Law. Even before its enactment, this law is already a hot topic of debate: it is the first time in 40 years since the Foreign Investment Laws were fundamentally updated, it is an attempt to ease trade and diplomatic relations with the U.S. and it is supposed to ease market access and improve the business environment, the latter elements being a source of friction between China and other countries. Because China’s previous economic and foreign investment policies have allowed it to become a major player in global trade, this change in legislature can be seen as both a natural extension of its current policies to adjust to its changing domestic economy as well as a pivoting point in its competition for dominance in the global trade market. While this law has not been enacted yet, it is interesting to put it in context of everchanging legislature in China and its process of “opening up”. That was one of the slogans of the great reforms in 1978, but appears to still be a major theme today. Foreign investment is a matter of relations of China with other countries, and the most recent and compelling tensions involve China-U.S. trade relations. This law therefore has the potential to reshape relations between two major powers. China changing its foreign policy undoubtedly has effects on global trade, and while it is difficult to measure its real effects, global actors are already responding. This thesis will look into the relation between China and the U.S. in particular. The central friction between China and the U.S. has not changed since President Trump took office in 2016, but the issues between China and the U.S. have taken on new forms with the imposed tariffs that marked the beginning of a trade dispute in 2018. Other issues that the U.S. has with China are the licensing process, as a business start-up has to be approved by the government and businesses have to give a lot of information, which is feared to increase Chinese competition and China’s “negative investment list”, which describes some industries that are not open for investment, and forced technology transfer. In addition, the U.S. has accused China before of undervaluing the RMB (the Chinese currency) and has complained about an uneven trade surplus for China, while the U.S. is left with a trade deficit. On the other hand, there are differences since President Trump took office in the White House. A very straightforward difference is that President Trump uses twitter to announce and change his mind on policies towards China in terms of trade, making China-U.S. relations unstable. Also, placing tariffs on Chinese goods is a measure not easily resorted to by previous presidents of the U.S. Still, this measure is an extension of the already present displeasure of the trade deficit between the U.S. and China. For the sake of the scope and conciseness, this thesis will limit itself to the period of the Trump administration (from 2016 onward). Usually, analyses are made of how economics, or rather economic development, influences International Relations, but in this thesis, since the mutual influence of IR and economics is considered self-evident and the law is meant to send a message to the international community, I will look at the language aspect of law, how the newly adopted Foreign Investment Law is interpreted in China and the U.S. and how it translates itself to China-U.S. relations. This thesis therefore will try to answer the following question: What does China try to communicate with the new Foreign Investment Law and how is it received in the United States? In the attempt to answer this question I will discuss the new Foreign Investment Law, compare it with the three existing ones, look at statements and speeches from the U.S. government on China’s new Foreign Investment Law, comments on the draft and final versions and other files that are representative of the situation and view of the U.S. government on China’s Foreign Investment Law. This will be put under the framework of expressive and communicative functions of law, as it helps us understand why a law and this specific law has relevance: it does not exist on its own, but tells a story of what China hopes to achieve with the alteration and how a global actor like the U.S. reacts. In addition, Beijing and Washington consensus will be briefly discussed, as to give some background to help understand from which the root of differences and similarities in statements from China and the U.S. about each other originates in an economic sense, since they are commenting on foreign investment.Show less
The main goal of this work is to make a timely and relevant contribution to understanding where moral legitimacy stems from in the Chinese context during a period of economic, political, and social...Show moreThe main goal of this work is to make a timely and relevant contribution to understanding where moral legitimacy stems from in the Chinese context during a period of economic, political, and social change. Particularly, how is Chinese government reestablishing its moral authority through the implementation of a centralized SCS? Is it possible, from a Chinese perspective, to restore the government’s morality by limiting individuals’ agency? What are the risks and benefits of this majestic project? To solve these queries, it is necessary to delve into China’s political tradition and contemporary history, and to highlight the role of morality as a source of government’s legitimacy. I believe this work will contribute to paving the road to an unbiased understanding of the rationale behind the implementation of the SCS.Show less
China’s military build-up and modernization has raised concern among IR scholars and several Asian countries in the recent years. This in mainly due to the fact that China is involved in different...Show moreChina’s military build-up and modernization has raised concern among IR scholars and several Asian countries in the recent years. This in mainly due to the fact that China is involved in different territorial issues in both the East and South China seas. Indeed, recent developments in the PLA have been regarded by the countries with opposed territorial claims (Vietnam, Japan, Philippines, etc.) as an indication of the Chinese willingness to change the current status quo. Beijing has develop its naval capacities and the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has been the branch of the Chinese army that has focused the most attention. The PLAN fast evolution is impressive and Beijing is now able to produce indigenous complex structures such as aircraft carriers. Furthermore, the increasing militarization of reefs and islets, and the assertive Chinese behavior in both aforementioned seas are according to many scholars driven by the Taiwan issue, fish and oil prospects. The former, would be the main reasons driving Chinese military developments in the region. Accordingly, an improved naval force would allow Beijing to assert its primacy in the different maritime claims by disrupting the balance of power. However, such a reading often puts the East and China seas issues as core interests for the PRC, which would ultimately explain China’s recent naval developments. Therefore, emphasis is rather put on geopolitics rather than on geo-strategy, and the PLAN modernization is analyzed through a realistic lens, which leaves very little room for positives prospects. Chinese development is put in parallel with what might be an unpeacful rise and authors such as Mearsheimer (2006) are skeptical and predict future conflicts in the region. However, according to other scholars the PLA modernization needs to be considered from a wider perspective. Although, enhanced naval capabilities can improve Beijing room of maneuver in different territorial issues, enhancing its naval capability would improve China’s capabilities to defend its interest on a global level. There is no consensus among scholars as to what are the underpinning reasons driving China’s increasing military assertiveness in the East and South China Sea. By using concepts of naval strategy such as Sea Power and command of the Seas, a better assessment can be done on what China is trying to achieve with its navy. According to different scholars, the coreness of the South China Sea and the East China seas needs to be questioned. It could be argued that foreign policies priorities have shifted, and that the different issues might rather be instrumental. Indeed, they would allow Chinese authorities to develop a blue water sea navy that in return would enhance China’s power projection on a global scale. Different maritime issues should not be perceived as flashpoints but rather aimed at increasing Chinese control of near seas, which would ultimately allow Beijing to move further. On the other hand developing military means doesn’t have to be interpreted as “a trouble ahead” and as “a tragedy of great power politics”, rather a Chinese navy that would be able to project power on a global level might help China to improve its power both in times of war and peace.Show less
