In 2011, the new Obama administration made the official decision to rebalance America’s foreign policy. This policy has come to be known as the pivot or rebalance and signaled that the center of...Show moreIn 2011, the new Obama administration made the official decision to rebalance America’s foreign policy. This policy has come to be known as the pivot or rebalance and signaled that the center of the political and economic history of the 21st century is moving eastwards, with a re-newed focus towards the Asia-Pacific. With this shift Washington not only wants to benefit from the global geopolitical dynamics and economic growth, but it is also a result of China’s rising economic and military power. The South China Sea (SCS) is a place which is on the way to becoming the most contested body of water in the world with ongoing territorial disputes.Show less
The topic on LGBT rights in China is a very sensitive one. The Chinese government’s policy towards homosexuality is believed to be “three no’s”: “No approval; no disapproval; no promotion.” While...Show moreThe topic on LGBT rights in China is a very sensitive one. The Chinese government’s policy towards homosexuality is believed to be “three no’s”: “No approval; no disapproval; no promotion.” While the Chinese Ministry of Health no longer has homosexuality on its list of mental illnesses since 2001, it is still not openly discussed in China and not an issue that the Chinese governments deems as something that needs to be discussed at a national level. This paper will endeavour to answer the following question: How can gay and lesbian NGOs in China attempt to encourage the Chinese government to safeguard the rights of gays and lesbians through the law-making process? This paper will use as an example environmental NGOs to examine what kind of strategies and resources they have utilized to engage into political territory, and how gay and lesbian NGOs can use the same strategies and resources to do the same. Because the issues gay and lesbian NGOs engage themselves in, it will be difficult for them to persuade the Chinese government to form policies regarding the protective rights of gays and lesbians in China, unless they are able to convince government officials to sponsor them and argue that protecting the rights of homosexuals will be more beneficial for the government than if they do not.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to find out if China’s efforts to assimilate Tibet by implementing a strict tourism policy are genuinely intended to value local culture or if the introduction of...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to find out if China’s efforts to assimilate Tibet by implementing a strict tourism policy are genuinely intended to value local culture or if the introduction of tourism in Tibet merely is a government tool to provide the urban middle-class Han Chinese with a ‘natural theme park’ regardless of the environmental and/or cultural impact. The latter hypothesis is generally being supported by western critics, the former being a widely accepted statement in China (excluding its autonomous regions) and pro-Chinese elsewhere. As is the case with many Chinese state policies, their true intentions are debatable which I aspire to settle. To assess this, I have critically examined both theories in relation to projects and practices in the Tibetan tourism industry led by the Chinese government. Tourism nowadays comprises a spectrum of categories. Not every type of tourism is applicable to Tibet or simply has not set foot on Tibetan soil, so it is important to determine which tourism types are to be found, which ones are popular and which ones have potential. Therefore, categorizing the types of tourism in Tibet, which will be judged by the popularity among domestic tourists, have provided a basis in terms of scope. Other essential aspects, such as target audience, decisions by the Chinese government of when to invest in tourism projects and with what reasons, have been looked at extensively. Tourism-oriented projects and tourism-related implementations of roughly the last thirty years have been analyzed separately as case-studies, within the frame of three prominent types of domestic tourism in Tibet, Nature-based tourism, Active tourism and Cultural Tourism, in order to redefine the aforementioned aspects. This study found out that there is a significant inconsistency in government claims regarding Tibetan tourism policies. Although profound conclusions are beyond the bounds of possibility, a clear trend in rephrasing and/or radical change of reasoning in why the state invests in multimillion dollar Tibetan tourism projects may indicate China’s true intentions of exploiting the Tibetan land. Furthermore, this thesis increases our understanding of the term ‘invented tourism’, tourism-related implementations in Tibet and the general focus of the Chinese government in regard to tourism project investment.Show less
This thesis studies the discussion about the reforms of the Chinese government's family-planning law, using articles published by state-run news agency Xinhua. In particular, it examines the...Show moreThis thesis studies the discussion about the reforms of the Chinese government's family-planning law, using articles published by state-run news agency Xinhua. In particular, it examines the statements that authorities made about the abolition of the one-child policy. China's one-child policy has been gradually changed into a two-child policy in the last decade. Using methods of critical discourse analysis I conclude that the framing of these statements changed from an only choice frame to a best choice frame, with which Xinhua highlights that the CCP serves the people's best interests.Show less
This paper examines how rapid transformation of the food supply chain and continued state reform of food regulation is shaping the relationship between the State and private food processing...Show moreThis paper examines how rapid transformation of the food supply chain and continued state reform of food regulation is shaping the relationship between the State and private food processing industry and affecting food safety control systems. My findings reveal that the Chinese State is not relinquishing control of the food supply chain for the benefit of self-regulation of food production companies. On the contrary, the State appears to be tightening its grip on the course of national industry development through direct and indirect interference in the food supply chain, and an intensification of legislative and regulatory control, in order to secure national food supply and increase food safety and quality. Through an analysis of a production level perception of development of the State's influence versus self-regulation in a two-step exploratory research, I reason that, in contrast to the ambiguity portrayed in the literature, food processors are not confused about the State's strategy, the division of responsibilities or the role of industry associations. Furthermore, I observe that both consumers and processors recognise that, in China's current phase of development, strict state control is probably the best way forward. Finally, based on analysis of the current stakeholders' perceptions of risks and responsibilities in the rapidly transforming food supply chain in China, I raise doubts about the application of Beck's theory of 'risk society' to China.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to investigate cooperation between China and Europe and to identify changes in partnerships with the advancement of China’s space program. In the first part, a general...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to investigate cooperation between China and Europe and to identify changes in partnerships with the advancement of China’s space program. In the first part, a general overview of space exploration and the history of China’s space program is presented. China’s achievements and innovations in space had come comparatively late, but nowadays has China a become a world-class player in this field. Then thesis then analyses the structure of different space programs and the political environment that affects the development of partnerships. This continues with the economic benefits for both parties, including cost sharing, innovation and technology, access to resources, job employment and prestige. In conclusion, the thesis argues that cooperation between Europe and China in the field of space technology development has not been very intense from the start of national space programs in the early 1950s, but after the end of the cold war relations between China and in particular the West of Europe gradually became better. This thesis hopes to offer a valuable insight into changing roles in the field of aerospace by analysing China’s rapidly expanding space program.Show less
This master thesis is about the practices of collecting during the Northern Song Dynasty in China. It researches how external factors, like the social, political, and religious ones, influenced and...Show moreThis master thesis is about the practices of collecting during the Northern Song Dynasty in China. It researches how external factors, like the social, political, and religious ones, influenced and determined what was collected, by whom, and for what reason.Show less
The group of non-traditional bilateral aid donors is growing. Among these non-traditional donors are emerging donors, which can be characterized as countries which are both donor and recipient of...Show moreThe group of non-traditional bilateral aid donors is growing. Among these non-traditional donors are emerging donors, which can be characterized as countries which are both donor and recipient of aid. Emerging donor’s motives for aid provision are largely disputed. China, among others, is accused of acting out of self-interest, harming sustainable development and supporting rogue states. According to some estimates, China has become the second largest bilateral donor, and it is therefore an important player in the aid landscape. This study is aimed to clarify what China’s aid motives are and how they change over time. An analysis of policy documents and announcements present the official aid motives. An Ordinary Least Squares regression analysis of data provided by AidData (2016) allows for an examination of actual aid allocation. The results indicate that there is a discrepancy between the official and actual aid motives. The results also show that, between 2000 and 2014, China decided which countries would receive aid based on economic and strategic (self) interests. Among those countries which receive aid, the commitment was larger when the population was more in need. Strategic interests became more important over time whereas humanitarian needs became less important. Future research is needed before these results can be generalized and a consensus for all emerging donors can be established.Show less
As the largest developing nation of the world, it is the self-professed Chinese Dream to build a “democratic, culturally-advanced and harmonious modern socialist country” that projects a “new type...Show moreAs the largest developing nation of the world, it is the self-professed Chinese Dream to build a “democratic, culturally-advanced and harmonious modern socialist country” that projects a “new type of international relations featuring win-win cooperation,” (Arab Policy, FMPRC 2016). China’s economic rise in the 21st century has received immense speculation of both mainstream and Critical International Political Economy (IPE) scholars as to whether the country and its political establishment presents an ideological or economic challenge to neoliberal hegemony and the ideology of the Washington Consensus institutions. In the context of neo-Gramscian theory, this paper will focus on China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) as a case study to determine how China may be building a counter-hegemonic challenge through the promotion of this “new type of international relations”. What began as a far-flung dream of recreating the ancient Silk Road through the Eurasian continent has now evolved into a serious endeavor including more than 60 countries. Besides offering these countries richer ties to the global economy, the OBOR allows for wide-ranging projects to build super highways and bullet trains, to pipelines and deep sea ports linking a global supply chain for the swift transportation of goods and services. Accelerated development of the OBOR initiative spawn from two recent experiences which have fundamentally changed China’s position in the international political economy.Show less
The trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed....Show moreThe trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed. 2009:3), stresses China its focus on economic win-win situations (Hackenesch, 2011). Yet, as the EU and China have increasing shared interests, a more pragmatic approach to their foreign policies is emerging. China is slowly engaging with normative principles, for instance it has accepted the universality of human rights and has joined several international human rights conventions. The state is more open to normative principles, even though China promotes sovereignty and collective rights over international intervention and individual rights (Pu, 2013). A more pragmatic approach to foreign policy can enable and support trilateral cooperation in explicit areas such as security. Examples of currently existing trilateral cooperation are the joint fight against piracy in the Gulf of Aden, measures against the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW) and the peacekeeping mission in Mali. Also, the EU currently discusses China’s novel initiative for a modern-day silk road, known as the ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative and which has been called “the most ambitious infrastructure-based security initiative in the world today”. The title of this work ‘Here Be Dragons’ refers to unexplored and ‘dangerous’ gaps between the EU’s capabilities and its expectations. The purpose of the thesis is to examine the EU’s foreign policy performance, in particular its response to China’s growing presence in Africa, through the lens of the capability-expectations gap theory. According to Hill, a gap exists between what the EU ‘talks about’ and what the EU actually is able to accomplish. This study investigates how the EU’s agenda on trilateral cooperation with China and Africa changed since the entering in to force of the Lisbon Treaty, whether a capability-expectations gap exist regarding the EU’s security relations with China in Africa, and if so, how the EU could establish more effective cooperation the field of security and thus close this gap.Show less
This thesis looks at the freedom of press in China. A critical discourse analysis is conducted of newspaper articles of the Global Times and the Southern Weekend about the Tianjin harbor explosions.
Though Western thought gained popularity and legitimacy in legal education after economic reforms were initiated, the role of defence lawyers remains ambiguous. The Constitution of the People's...Show moreThough Western thought gained popularity and legitimacy in legal education after economic reforms were initiated, the role of defence lawyers remains ambiguous. The Constitution of the People's Republic of China does grant the accused the right of defence (see Appendix 4.1 Article 125). However, with a formal legal tradition, in which criminal prosecution, investigation, and trial are handled respectively through the three segments of the so called 'Iron Triangle' (police, procuracy, and judges), defence lawyers are admitted little room to operate as representatives of their client, but rather pose a minor obstacle to the prosecution. The legal mind-set is crime oppressive with higher value on crime control efficiency than accuracy of legal conduct within the court, as well as in the pre-trial investigatory phase. Therewith, traditionally the 'Iron Triangle' was firmly aimed against crime, or rather the accused himself. However, the case of the defence lawyer Li Zhuang in 2009/10 raises the question of an alternative aim of the 'Iron Triangle'. Instead of focusing on the prosecution of the accused (Gong Gangmo), the case took a turn against the defence lawyer, incriminating Li Zhuang by actually applying testimony of Gong, the accused. The paper argues that, as shown on the case of Li Zhuang, the 'Iron Triangle' of China's legal conduct is not simply aimed at the prosecution and conviction of the accused and therewith the impediment of crime, but against the criminal defence as a concept of law. This will be shown on examining the trial of Li Zhuang on the following four factors: formal legal rule that directly counters criminal defence, and therewith shows criminal defence oppression through the legislature itself; intrinsic institutional deterrents on criminal defence in the judiciary; ideological factors in China's legal tradition, which impede criminal defence indirectly and simultaneously renders legitimacy to the actions against criminal defence by legislature and judiciary; and finally political motifs.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to explore the role of Chinese economic involvement in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as in the specific case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, in order to evaluate the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to explore the role of Chinese economic involvement in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as in the specific case of the Democratic Republic of Congo, in order to evaluate the extent to which dependency theory accurately describes these relationships. While this paper argues that patterns of dependency might not be accurate in describing Sino-African trade, the same cannot be asserted when looking at Sino-Congolese trade, which appears to embody centre-periphery dynamics. However, when addressing Chinese economic relations with Congo, another major aspect that needs consideration is investment. The potential impact that Chinese investment could have in the DRC deepens the analysis on the nature of Sino-Congolese relationship and proves that dependency theory does not provide an accurate depiction even in the Congolese case.Show less
The Three Gorges Dam is currently the largest hydropower plant in the world. However, over the course of its twelve-year construction, it has caused a major flow of migration that encompassed more...Show moreThe Three Gorges Dam is currently the largest hydropower plant in the world. However, over the course of its twelve-year construction, it has caused a major flow of migration that encompassed more than 1.1 million people. Their former working and living environments have disappeared completely or become unusable. The research question addressed in this thesis is: to what extent were people forced to move because of the construction of the Three Gorges Dam in China and can they be identified as environmental refugees? The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the discourse on seeking refuge in connection to environmental change, in light of development-induced displacement.Show less
For this thesis, I have looked at the discourse presented by Chinese media on pollution problems, through the lens of a case study of the Shanxi aniline spill in 2013. I have focused on the causes...Show moreFor this thesis, I have looked at the discourse presented by Chinese media on pollution problems, through the lens of a case study of the Shanxi aniline spill in 2013. I have focused on the causes of the problem and obstacles to solving the problem as they are presented in two news outlets: Xinhua News Agency and the magazine Southern Weekend. I have found that there are remarkable differences in reporting between the two news outlets, especially in the level of concern they show about the performance of local governments and their communication. Both news outlets focus strongly on the role of local governments and problems with communication and much less on the responsibility of the company that caused the incident.Show less
Hollywood has been the leading film industry in the cinematic universe for the past several decades. China on the other hand, has been one of the fastest rising economies during these same decades....Show moreHollywood has been the leading film industry in the cinematic universe for the past several decades. China on the other hand, has been one of the fastest rising economies during these same decades. China is one of the biggest markets for Hollywood to gain more exposure and income. However, the Chinese government has been known to influence society through the use of censorship. To research how Hollywood film studios cater towards the strict censorship laws of the CCP various (scholarly) sources media are studied. It is important to study the relationship between Hollywood and China because Chinese censorship influences what we see in all kind of films around the world.Show less
