Since 2017, the Netherlands can instrumentalise citizenship deprivation of foreign fighters located abroad as a counterterrorism measure if it is deemed necessary in the context of national...Show moreSince 2017, the Netherlands can instrumentalise citizenship deprivation of foreign fighters located abroad as a counterterrorism measure if it is deemed necessary in the context of national security. This measure was to be evaluated in late 2021 for its effectiveness. Prior to this debate, Dutch governmental advisory bodies, next to academic literature, released reports advising against the measure’s effectiveness. Nonetheless, the decision was made to prolong the policy on citizenship deprivation of foreign fighters abroad, therefore disregarding expert advice. This study adopts a qualitative thematic analysis and an inductive coding process to investigate the political attitudes and positions of political parties and actors involved in the 2021 debate to identify possible underlying reasons for justifying the prolongation of the policy. An underlying reason identified for the justifications made by political parties and actors is their political positions: distinctions in attitudes on the topic between left- and right-wing parties are identified. Another underlying reason is that political parties tend to ignore experts if their advice does not align with the political parties' interests and agenda. Therefore, political parties' and actors’ justifications can be explained by their political attitudes, positions, and agenda.Show less
A socio-historical, comparative curriculum study in both time (1945-2010s) and space (France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands) concerning the representation of European identity in two types...Show moreA socio-historical, comparative curriculum study in both time (1945-2010s) and space (France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands) concerning the representation of European identity in two types of secondary school curricula: the formal curricula of these four Western European countries and the so-called 'ideological curricula' consisting out of international recommendations from the Council of Europe and UNESCO. The starting point of the research is that a majority of citizens in the European Union consider themselves to feel 'European' in one way or another according to Eurobarometer surveys. The thesis further explores the relationship with curriculum reforms and international educational organisations since 1945. The idea of having complementary, international forms of identity and citizenship requires the increase of international understanding among citizens over time. Meanwhile, fostering international understanding has generally been the main purpose of UNESCO. Curriculum construction is a comprehensive, unfathomable process, but the four cases of formal curricula demonstrate the rise of a global scope in history education throughout the decades. The thesis suggests that education can be understood as a gearwheel accelerating the processes of European integration that were already in place.Show less
This thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt,...Show moreThis thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri, is used to analyse the situation of the refugee in the three case studies of Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. It is argued that biopolitics are employed to control and exclude the Palestinian refugee. The host-state excuses this exclusion through the retoric of the incommensurability of the right of return to Palestine with citizenship of the host-state. Gaining citizenship of the host-state supposedly cancels the right of return to Palestine. This discourse is a tool that is employed by the host-states when he refugee proses a threat to their status quo. This thesis disagrees with this supposed incommensurability argueing that the two can co-exist. Furthermore, an analysis of the situation of the Palestinian refugee in the case studies leads to the conclusion that Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben were right when argueing that the nation-state is the only institution capable of upholding human rights and that without citizenship the refugee is vulnerable and without protection. Because of this, serious steps need to be taken towards citizenship for the Palestinian refugee.Show less
This thesis seeks to investigate the construction and the conceptualisation of the Dutch citizenship boundaries in the period 1880-1914. These boundaries are analysed by focusing on nationality,...Show moreThis thesis seeks to investigate the construction and the conceptualisation of the Dutch citizenship boundaries in the period 1880-1914. These boundaries are analysed by focusing on nationality, naturalisation, and expulsion policy, that determined the criteria for membership and entry. As a result of the rise of nation-states, citizenship was transformed into a crucial marker of identification, not only determining criteria of membership and entry, but also that of residence and work. This transformation began at the end of the nineteenth century. The primary sources consist of parliamentary debates, and correspondence between parliament and government, which illuminate the development of policy and the conceptualisation of citizenship. These sources were selected through query analysis. Furthermore, a selection of expulsion orders was collected to investigate the relatively unknown practice of expulsion policy. Both the criteria of membership and entry became more strict and demarcated. Immigrants and their offspring became largely excluded from citizenship through a new nationality law, and an increasing amount of ‘unwanted’ and lower-class aliens was controlled and expelled. A relational approach illuminated that state and society constructed the citizenship boundaries in interaction, and that the citizenship boundaries were constructed in relation to that of other countries, most notably Germany. The development of the citizenship boundaries at the end of the nineteenth century is analysed in detail, which had important influences on issues of membership and entry in later periods.Show less
In classical Athens there used to be a clear separation between those considered citizens, women, and foreigners. This separation used to be recognized and formally accepted in society. The notion...Show moreIn classical Athens there used to be a clear separation between those considered citizens, women, and foreigners. This separation used to be recognized and formally accepted in society. The notion of ‘citizen’ was used to legitimize the fact that a small minority of people living in the territory of Athens at that time held exclusive decision-making power. This legitimization was mainly founded on a cultural level but also had ramifications in the social and political realms. In present-day Europe, as well as in classical Athens, people of different social, cultural, and ethnic backgrounds coexist in close proximity, but interact differently. Distinctions between citizens and non-citizens are still present, but their characteristics have changed, and although the differences might appear to be less clear-cut, it is not always the case. In present-day Europe, with waves of migration and populism on the rise, people are trying to define what it means to be a citizen of a country. Although this notion is more distinctly defined from a political perspective, the socio-cultural aspect is not so clear-cut. Following intense migration fluxes in Europe during the past century, and the last decade in particular, the notions of ‘citizen’ and ‘foreigner’ have been questioned repeatedly. Therefore, it might be relevant and useful to look back in history at examples of these two notions, and examine the factors that constituted them and ways in which they were different. In doing so it will be easier to locate patterns in History that have already proven to be harmful for the coexistence of different groups of people within the same territory. Therefore, the purpose and driving question of the present thesis is ‘how can citizenship in classical Athens help us consider the contemporary inclusion and exclusion of individuals in a cultural, social and political sense?’Show less
In 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February...Show moreIn 2011, citizens protested in most countries in the Middle East. While the Gulf states were less affected by these uprisings, Bahrain was an exception. During major demonstrations from February onwards, citizens demanded political, economic and social reforms. Most often, the situation there is presented in terms of a sectarian divide, but the thesis suggests that citizens were angered by restrictions to their right to muwatana, active citizenship. Through this analysis, particularly from the perspective of the citizenship approach, it becomes evident that the Bahraini regime has used citizenship as a tool of governance to keep control and to divide up the population. It has led to inequities between Sunnis and Shia, but also between Bahrainis and expats and between citizens from birth and naturalised citizens. Particularly, these groups are unequally represented in politics and society, have different opportunities to get employed and limited options to affect the political, social and economic outlook of their country. These factors have caused resentment among the population, stimulating them to rise up and seek other channels to have an impact.Show less
The Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in...Show moreThe Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in a decisive British victory, leading many to assume that it was an isolated incident, a flash in the pan that would fade into history, carrying little wider significance. In the modern day, 14 territories, including the Falkland Islands, remain constitutionally linked to the United Kingdom. They are now known as the UK or British Overseas Territories. These are relics of the colonial era that have not achieved independence either by choice or matters of practicality. This thesis proves that the 1982 Falklands War was a conflict of wider significance for the British Overseas Territories in several key areas affecting life and politics in these territories and in the UK itself. This is in contrast to writers who have argued the contrary, that the Falklands War was of no wider significance to Britain's interests overseas.Show less
This thesis examines the contradictions at the heart of Malaysia's national narrative, where the perception of a unified national Malaysian identity conflicts with such institutional ethnic-based...Show moreThis thesis examines the contradictions at the heart of Malaysia's national narrative, where the perception of a unified national Malaysian identity conflicts with such institutional ethnic-based laws and rights as exemplified by the NEP. It investigates if the possibility of middle class affiliation, as illustrated by the Bersih movement, offers an alternative way of imagining Malaysian identity that transcends persistent ethno-religious classifications, moving towards a sense of universal, inclusive citizenship.Show less
In 2008, Brazil introduced a new public policy called the Unidade de Policía Pacificadora (UPP), specifically aimed at improving security within the favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro. The level of...Show moreIn 2008, Brazil introduced a new public policy called the Unidade de Policía Pacificadora (UPP), specifically aimed at improving security within the favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro. The level of excessive violence in combination with the permanent presence of the police as a result of the programme sparked a lot of international attention. The UPP programme, however, also has a second objective after a specific level of security is achieved, which is to improve citizenship of the residents living within these areas. This study focuses on the latter objective in order to analyse the level of success of this programme in relation to the improvement of citizenship of the favela residents. Furthermore, the approach of the perspective of the state is used in the history and analysis, to focus on the role of the state in addressing complex issues in neglected areas. By understanding and explaining the difficult historical relations between the state and favelas and the residents, and by analysing previous initiatives aimed at inclusion and integration of the favelas and its residents, this study gives a brief overview of the history of the dualities in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The analysis of the UPP programme uses four main lenses through which the level of citizenship is analysed: a) recognition; b) inclusion; c) participation; and d) integration.Show less
The thesis offers an analysis of the link between primary education and democratization, particularly in the Sub-Saharan African context. It tests the hypothesis prevalent in development,...Show moreThe thesis offers an analysis of the link between primary education and democratization, particularly in the Sub-Saharan African context. It tests the hypothesis prevalent in development, democratization and education policy that citizens that are better educated are more actively involved in the political life of their country. The analysis is built on three key concepts- education, democracy and political culture. Using the republican theory of citizenship as an analytical model, this thesis studies the results of the Afrobarometer surveys conducted in Malawi and in Ghana from 1999 until 2011. By tracing the transformation of citizens' political attitudes and practices after the introduction of Universal Primary Education (UPE) this paper suggests that there is a positive correlation between one's level of primary education and their political engagement.Show less
Addressing the question:Following the 2010 Haitian Earthquake, the number of stateless Haitians in the Dominican Republic rose considerably. How can the current ‘statelessness crisis’ of Haitians...Show moreAddressing the question:Following the 2010 Haitian Earthquake, the number of stateless Haitians in the Dominican Republic rose considerably. How can the current ‘statelessness crisis’ of Haitians in the Dominican Republic be framed both as a product of, and contributing factor in, antihaitianismo?Show less
This thesis takes part in the discussion of citizenship in an age of migration and transnational identification. It argues that traditional conceptions of citizenship, that view legal and national...Show moreThis thesis takes part in the discussion of citizenship in an age of migration and transnational identification. It argues that traditional conceptions of citizenship, that view legal and national membership as singular, are becoming increasingly inadequate to reflect the the reality of our globalised world. Through transnational and migration theory, it is now understood that migrants, or transmigrants, are able to foster multiple identities and connections with the countries to which they travel, whilst maintaining ties with their countries of origin. The case of 1.5 generation Salvadoran deportees, who migrated to the U.S. as young children, provides a significant example of a group whose complex social and national identity did not correspond with their exclusive legal status as Salvadoran citizens. This group came to identify strongly with the U.S., having been socialised their from a young age, only to be later removed on the grounds of their lack of legal affiliation with the country. The contradictions inherent in the rationale behind their removal were later revealed through the groups continued identification with the U.S., and also their social alienation on return to El Salvador. Therefore, as opposed to conventional belief, this group shows that citizenship and national identity are not inextricably intwined, and can often conflict when the former is restricted to the jurisdiction of a single nation-state.Show less
In this thesis the development of one specific deliberative form of citizen participation (the G1000 Groningen) in the Netherlands is put in to its historic-political context. The main question is...Show moreIn this thesis the development of one specific deliberative form of citizen participation (the G1000 Groningen) in the Netherlands is put in to its historic-political context. The main question is as follows: to what extent can a 'mini-public’ like the G1000 Groningen improve local democracy by proposing a change in the relationship between citizens and local government? It is explained that the G1000 organization tried to foster the bond between the Stadjers of Groningen by organizing the event without too much focus on its (political) results. The author characterizes the type of citizen participation found in the G1000 Groningen as one in which self-reliance is very important, in contrast to forms of citizenship found in the G1000 Amersfoort and G1000 Belgium in which the political character of of citizenship was emphasized. By doing so, the G1000 Groningen showed that there is more to democracy than having direct political influence as sometimes is argued for in the media. It showed that genuine participation in the process in which decisions are made is just as important. Only in such circumstances, it is possible to really relate yourself to your fellow citizens and be really part of a democratic community.Show less
