To suppress civil organisations within the Russian Federation, the government is applying a broad range of tools to keep a grip on those CSOs. Those can be classified as government-orientated civil...Show moreTo suppress civil organisations within the Russian Federation, the government is applying a broad range of tools to keep a grip on those CSOs. Those can be classified as government-orientated civil society; media control and discrediting groups, and; vague legal grounds. This also affects the Anti-corruption Foundation (FBK) of Alexey Navalny. To stay active within the tightened public space, FBK is using different strategies in reaction to continue their fight against corruption. Those strategies can be seen in a selection in general in the use of internet campaigning; going to the European Court of Human Rights; smart voting; the populist strategy; connecting high officials with corruption; mass demonstrations, and; active use social media.Show less
In 2003, in response to the terminal socioeconomic instability and political ignorance, the Georgian civil society initiated a wave of mobilization, consolidation and protest actions. The Rose...Show moreIn 2003, in response to the terminal socioeconomic instability and political ignorance, the Georgian civil society initiated a wave of mobilization, consolidation and protest actions. The Rose Revolution represents the culmination of elite tensions and civil disobedience. The Revolution continues to be one of the most influential and important Color Revolutions in the post-Soviet sphere because of the large-scale mobilization of Georgian citizens. Consequently, the purpose of this thesis is to identify how did the Rose Revolution develop and promote mass mobilization required for political change. The thesis adopts the concept of “framing” and the three different framing strategies (diagnostic, prognostic, motivational) and applies them to the case of the Rose Revolution in order to analyze the consensus and action mobilization of the protest actors. By pursuing these strategies, the Rose Revolution opened opportunities for confidence and hope among the Georgian citizens. People began to distinguish between politics and the party, and thus the parties began to lose the occupied space of the political. Especially the prognostic strategies liberated the activist cores, enabled them to ‘flourish’. In other words, the public got inspired to take part in the popular discontent with the governmental establishment.Show less
The legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and...Show moreThe legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and cross-sectoral cooperation between organisations. To what extent an NGO working in Russia benefits from or suffers under the laws, differs from the work field of the NGO. While the Russian authorities support many ‘socially useful’ NGOs with grants and cooperation, organisations focusing on human and environmental rights experience the more negative consequences of the laws and encounter difficulties to receive (financial) support. This thesis discusses which strategies Russian organisations use to counter the “crackdown” on the civil society. The research focuses on the case of Memorial Human Rights Center (Memorial HRC). Memorial HRC is a leading human rights organisation and one of the oldest civil rights organisations in Russia. The thesis provides an overview of the situation for Memorial HRC, and which protection and survival strategies the organisation uses to secure its future.Show less
This research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to...Show moreThis research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to understand his contrasting policies towards and harsh repression of the independent civil society sector. Consequently, it describes the manner in which independent civil society has developed since 2011, linking it to rebel civil governance. Finally, the research project concludes with a case study of a CSO founded in 2011. The case study provides insight into the struggles and opportunities of the sector on a concrete level.Show less
Recent insights have revealed that engagement with civil society can reinforce the effectiveness of counter-terrorism efforts. This study investigated when and to what extend the Dutch security and...Show moreRecent insights have revealed that engagement with civil society can reinforce the effectiveness of counter-terrorism efforts. This study investigated when and to what extend the Dutch security and intelligence services (Algemene Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst (AIVD)) started to recognise the importance of civil society based on their annual reports since the attacks of 9/11 (2001-2017). A documentary analysis of sixteen annual reports and additional documents, was used to measure the development in the extent to which civil society has played a role in countering radicalisation and terrorism in the Netherlands. Based on the reports published online by the Dutch secret and intelligence services since 9/11, this thesis found that there is surprisingly limited attention and interest for civil society. This study contributes to the existing discourse on engagement of civil society and counter-terrorism efforts, by performing an empirical study of annual reports published by the Internal Security and Intelligence Services in the case of the Netherlands. In addition, the issue investigated in this study provides insight into a real potential for improving our understanding of democratic counter-terrorism.Show less
Abstract: This research offers an analysis of democracy promotion through the bottom-up approach in Egypt. It argues that a liberalized civil society would demand for democratic change. This...Show moreAbstract: This research offers an analysis of democracy promotion through the bottom-up approach in Egypt. It argues that a liberalized civil society would demand for democratic change. This research questions the extent of EU norms diffusion in order to liberalize civil societies. Consequently, it suggests linking normative goals, means, and impact to different diffusion strategies. It is found that the EU is in the starting phase of promoting democracy towards the Egyptian civil society. In order to expand the bottom-up approach, it should invest in its visibility and accessibility.Show less
The 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear incident revitalised Japan’s anti-nuclear power protest movement. The summer of 2012 saw large protests in front of the parliamentary building. As a result,...Show moreThe 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear incident revitalised Japan’s anti-nuclear power protest movement. The summer of 2012 saw large protests in front of the parliamentary building. As a result, public opinion moved away from support of nuclear power to opposition to nuclear power. Many protesters believed that the nuclear debate would impact the 2012 lower house elections. This however proved not to be the case, proving to many onlookers that civil protest in Japan does not lead to political change. Indeed, many commentators believe that civil society in Japan is weak in comparison to the power of the bureaucracy. Yet, as this research shows, civil society is not by any means necessarily weak. This research argues that civil protest is quite viable in Japan if organised within a specific framework. The success of the ‘Article 9 Society’ provides an example for other civil protest movements looking to impact Japan’s political process. It is within the framework of the Article 9 Society that other movements ought to organize their civil protest. Consequently, this research finds that the anti-nuclear power movement’s failure is not the result of a weak civil society, but rather a failure in protest organization.Show less
What role does civil society play in the outbreak of violence within fragile hybrid regime countries? This study shows the connection between an active civil society and the escalation of tensions...Show moreWhat role does civil society play in the outbreak of violence within fragile hybrid regime countries? This study shows the connection between an active civil society and the escalation of tensions between groups within society.Show less
