With the constant threat of climate change looming over the world, there is a need for a proposal that can adequately deal with climate change. Current measures seem inadequate to deal with climate...Show moreWith the constant threat of climate change looming over the world, there is a need for a proposal that can adequately deal with climate change. Current measures seem inadequate to deal with climate change. Therefore, a radical change is needed and this can be achieved through degrowth and sufficientarianism. This thesis finds that implementing degrowth in combination with sufficientarianism is better equipped to deal with climate change and the distributional issues it raises, than other proposals such as green growth. Degrowth makes sure that we abide by the earth’s ecological ceiling, while sufficientarianism ensures that everyone has enough and that current resources will be justly distributed.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (BSc)
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This thesis explores the similarities and differences on social media of adolescents and young adults, in Europe, who are in denial or not regarding climate change. Also, the public figures’ online...Show moreThis thesis explores the similarities and differences on social media of adolescents and young adults, in Europe, who are in denial or not regarding climate change. Also, the public figures’ online activism, Naomi Seibt (young German climate-denier activist) and Greta Thunberg (young Swedish climate activist), are rigorously studied to draw comparisons between non- deniers and deniers. Then, the research question addressed in this thesis is: What are the similarities and differences between the young individuals, in Europe, who are in denial or not regarding climate change, on social media? To compare both groups online, a contextualization background and a justification are provided to understand why some young individuals remain in denial despite a scientific consensus convinced on the existence and negative impacts of climate change. Also, it explores which social actors outside the scope of this thesis can benefit from the analysis brought. Additionally, the main social actors (non-deniers, deniers, and social media) are defined, and a theory is drawn to brainstorm this thesis’ puzzle. In terms of methodology, literature review and research on Seibt’s and Thunberg’s social media activities have been performed, and ethical considerations have been taken into account to not harm observed online users. Furthermore, similarities and differences between non-deniers and deniers individuals are extensively examined in four empirical sections. The first one explores the social factors and background that would lead one to express denial or not. The second one discusses the conceptualisation of science by both groups on social media. The third section talks about the identity formation regarding climate change online. The last one analyses the expressed mistrust on social media, individuals in denial or not have in wider societal structures and social actors. Finally, concluding remarks and further suggested research is detailed.Show less
The European Union has been recognised as a unique international organisation in its securitisation of climate change. The organisation has successfully securitised climate change since 2008,...Show moreThe European Union has been recognised as a unique international organisation in its securitisation of climate change. The organisation has successfully securitised climate change since 2008, prioritising it on the policy agenda. This securitisation has been established through speech acts defining climate change as a threat. This thesis examines the security narratives invoked in European Parliamentary debates from 2005 to 2011, focusing on the different security framings of climate change as a threat, and how these have changed over time. It argues that before the securitisation of climate change, the European Parliament framed climate change predominantly through ‘low politics’ security narratives like cooperative, environmental, and human security framings. Remarkably, this did not change after the securitisation of climate change, while it was expected that ‘high politics’ security narratives like global and national security would be more dominant. Ultimately, this thesis shows that when addressing climate change, the European Parliament frames the issue as a threat primarily through ‘low politics’ narratives, both in the three years before and the three years after the successful securitisation of climate change.Show less
