The International Monetary Fund has often been criticised on account of its tendency to be lenient in loan conditionality to certain countries that it considers important. This research seeks to...Show moreThe International Monetary Fund has often been criticised on account of its tendency to be lenient in loan conditionality to certain countries that it considers important. This research seeks to narrow in on the effect of economic importance from the perspective of western donor states on IMF loan efficacy. Apart from providing a gap in the research, this topic is deemed important because of its value for developmental economics and upcoming issues in that field. Moreover, the results allow concrete policy decisions to be made. Employing a bivariate and multiple linear regression analysis, this paper seeks to answer the question what is the effect of the perceived economic importance of states for western actors on the efficacy of loans by the IMF? In foreshadowing results, this paper finds that a higher economic importance, and high rates of accountability and corruption, lead to a lower efficacy of IMF loans. It is argued that this is the case because of the moral hazard issue, time-inconsistency problem, and the structure of the IMF. The model does however lack full robustness.Show less
Honduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras....Show moreHonduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras. The emergence of China, as an alternative trade partner, puts a strain on the responsiveness of Honduras to EU conditionality.Show less
This paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an...Show moreThis paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an idea which has not been examined adequately in academia thus far. Initially the concept of power in IR will be introduced with a special mention to its European form. Afterwards, the EU’s relationship with two revisionist regional actors (Turkey and Russia) is explored. The first case, examines the EU’s handling of Turkey during the displacement crisis and the latter’s shift towards authoritarianism. It will be shown that despite the fact that the EU has managed to dramatically decrease the influx of people in its territory, it has paid a steep political cost domestically and internationally. The second case shows how Russian preferential treatment to certain member-states impeded a unified approach from the EU. Only after the events in Ukraine a unilateral approach was agreed. Both cases show that the European understanding and usage of power is limited and prohibits the development of an ambitious policy mainly due to the current level of European integration and member-states will. Such results are important as they not only show current limitations of the EU’s policy-making, but also highlight some of the areas that require amelioration in order to enhance the EU’s capabilities in todays’ challenges.Show less
China claims to be one of the main followers and protectors of the principles of non-interference and sovereignty. It often invokes these principles either in order to protect itself from...Show moreChina claims to be one of the main followers and protectors of the principles of non-interference and sovereignty. It often invokes these principles either in order to protect itself from interference from Western states, or to defend its alternative approach to aid engagement in African countries (Pang 244-245). However, China also violates the principle of non-interference by putting conditions on other countries’ internal affairs, such as demanding that the government does not support issues that China is against, in return for its continued bilateral cooperation. Therefore, China’s foreign policy approaches and especially its use of conditionality seem contradicting. Such contradicting foreign policy approaches can be challenging to understand and counter for other states if the motivations are not known. The academic debate on China’s use of conditionality and foreign policy in general has failed to take into account a wide enough range of foreign policy approaches, something I attempt to do in my paper.Show less
