The use of female combatants in terrorist organisations that are ideologically patriarchal and misogynistic is paradoxical by definition. The conception of an organisation such as the Islamic State...Show moreThe use of female combatants in terrorist organisations that are ideologically patriarchal and misogynistic is paradoxical by definition. The conception of an organisation such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), who defines much of their ideology on the subordination of women, allowing these women to hold frontline positions, in some ways be the face of the organisation, is puzzling in nature and shows the contradiction that the organisation purports. This thesis explores ISIS' transition to utilising female combatants and the reconciliation of their ideology with this action.Show less
Until 2014, Ukraine Distinguished itself from fellow former Soviet republics through its competitive political arena and lack of domestic armed conflict. That changed in 2014 with the Euromaidan...Show moreUntil 2014, Ukraine Distinguished itself from fellow former Soviet republics through its competitive political arena and lack of domestic armed conflict. That changed in 2014 with the Euromaidan protests in February, followed by the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in March. These protests turned violent, triggering a government sanctioned counterterrorism operation in response. Peace negotiations coordinated by the OSCE resulted in the signing of the Mink Protocol establishing an immediate cease-fire monitored by the OSCE. Despite these international efforts, the fighting in Donbas sustained and Donbas turned into a semi-frozen conflict facing sporadic military skirmishes. Within the analysis of new civil wars, further specification can be made to distinguish protracted social conflicts (PSCs), or those in which groups are deprived of basic needs on the basis of communal identity as a result of a complex causal chain involving the role of the state and international linkages. PSCs are of particular interest in the case of Ukraine as it experienced unparalleled demographic reversals throughout the 20th century. This research postures the following question: to what extent is the post-Euromaidan prevalence of separatist paramilitary activity in Donbas a manifestation of a protracted social conflict? Using an adaptation of Azar’s genesis model as a framework in order to attempt to partially answer the aforementioned question, it is concluded that the separatist paramilitary activity in Donbas is likely a manifestation of a protracted social conflict based on human need deprivation.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
Al-Hashd al-Shaʿbi or the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) is an umbrella of armed groups in Iraq that united in 2014 in cooperation with the government in order to defeat IS. Officially, the...Show moreAl-Hashd al-Shaʿbi or the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) is an umbrella of armed groups in Iraq that united in 2014 in cooperation with the government in order to defeat IS. Officially, the organization is under the control of the Prime-Minister (PM). In reality, however, it has retained operational and administrative independence, often directly ignoring orders from the PM and even attacking foreign forces in Iraq and the region. This thesis addresses the question of how the PMF has been able to retain much of its independence throughout the six years of its existence, in which the government has often attempted to rein it in. It also considers the implications of the PMF’s independence for the notion of the sovereignty of the Iraqi government. It finds that the PMF is not a singular organization, but rather a collective of independent groups that vie with each other for funding, influence, and power. The key grouping within the PMF is that of the Iranian-backed Hashd. Many other PMF groups rely on this alliance because of its control of the PMF’s central administration, which distributes funding. Iran and its allies in Iraq benefit from the PMF’s independence from potentially anti-Iranian PMs, and the cover and plausible deniability that the lack of oversight grants them. This is abetted by the support the PMF enjoys in the Iraqi parliament through its own presence there, and through political opportunists or pro-Iranian ideologues. The PMF uses its military, social, and political power to actively undermine the government in different ways. Iraq’s security sector can only properly be understood as an ‘armed political order’ in which different actors and groupings continuously vie for influence in violent and non-violent ways. The office of the PM is one venue for contestation, and the person of the PM only one of its actors. Coercive organizations of all sorts participate in this contestation. An anti-governmental Hashd group is not inherently different in this regard than a unit of the Iraqi Army. Its position is different because of the different structural constraints on both groups, and their alignment towards the government. The competition between the different Hashd groups and the recent protests which led to the appointment of PM al-Kadhimi indicate that no one – including the pro-Iranian camp – is truly dominant in the Iraqi armed order.Show less
Saudi Arabia’s actions in Yemen have been largely neglected in the growing body of International Relations literature concerning regionalisation and power classification. Using an adaptation of...Show moreSaudi Arabia’s actions in Yemen have been largely neglected in the growing body of International Relations literature concerning regionalisation and power classification. Using an adaptation of Daniel Flemes’ conceptualisation of regional power, this thesis analyses Saudi leadership in the first four and a half years of the Yemen Civil War (March 2015 – August 2019). The case study was performed using an overarching causal-process tracing approach. Three variables that are fundamental for Saudi regional leadership in Yemen have been distinguished; claim to leadership, material methods of self-assertion and acceptance of leadership. As these variables are different in nature, they have been analysed using different methodologies. The findings of these analyses suggest that it is easy to ascribe a regional leading role to Saudi Arabia, as its claim to leadership and growing regional assertiveness are evident, but that real leadership over countries in the region is missing. Ultimately, this thesis illustrates that case study research is essential in the process of classifying a country as ‘regional power’.Show less
