Lebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most...Show moreLebanon’s 17 October Uprising marked a watershed moment in the country’s history as it challenged the very foundation of the political system: sectarian power-sharing. It was the largest and most diverse protest movement in decades and its anti-sectarian stature was entirely unprecedented. For the first time, many Lebanese called on their confessional leaders to resign. This thesis examines firstly why the uprising directed its focus toward political sectarianism as a primary cause of Lebanon’s political and economic plight. The inability or unwillingness of sectarian leaders to deliver basic services to their constituents created a situation in which Lebanese across all sects were more united than ever before in their collective plight. Second, it explores the timing of the uprising in the fall of 2019. It argues that the uprising was the culmination of simmering resentments that finally erupted as a result of deteriorating economic conditions, political corruption, and a series of disasters that the government failed to prevent or address. Lastly, the thesis investigates how the uprising helped propel anti-sectarian ideas that were previously taboo into mainstream political discourse. While the 17 October Uprising ultimately failed to achieve its objective of establishing a secular rather than sectarian political order, it stands as the most significant challenge to political sectarianism in the country’s history and could pave the way for future mobilizations in the same vein. This thesis will contribute to the nascent body of literature on the 17 October Uprising and the broader scholarship on sectarian power-sharing as a system of governance.Show less
This thesis has looked into the conflict that arose after President Nkurunziza of Burundi decided to run for a third term. It has asked whether the ethnic power sharing model of 2002 has shifted...Show moreThis thesis has looked into the conflict that arose after President Nkurunziza of Burundi decided to run for a third term. It has asked whether the ethnic power sharing model of 2002 has shifted the conflicts in Burundi from playing along ethnic lines to political alliance. It has found that at the time of writing the consociational model seems to have done that.Show less
Almost two decades after the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, opinions differ in terms of its effectiveness in fostering peace and reconciliation. Although the number of deaths linked...Show moreAlmost two decades after the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, opinions differ in terms of its effectiveness in fostering peace and reconciliation. Although the number of deaths linked to the conflict has sharply decreased since the signing of the agreement, a series of recent political developments have underlined some inadequacies within the current framework. Within academia, the two opposing schools of thought, namely consociationalism and integrationism, have been engaged in a debate regarding the empirical case of Northern Ireland and how it relates to current political science theory on conflict resolution in multi-ethnic states. This paper proposes an argument for a more nuanced theoretical approach to peacemaking by exploring two political issues that have been particularly problematic in Northern Ireland following the implementation of the Agreement. By analyzing the issues of integrated education and of the Irish language through the lens of both consociationalism and integrationism, I plan to further advance the theoretical debate in addition to providing relevant academic research applicable to the case of Northern Ireland. The inclusion of research and literature from a variety of disciplines allows for a more evidence driven approach to understanding the challenges facing the Northern Irish peace process today.Show less
Events of extreme ethnic violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda shook up the international community in the 1990s. In the years after genocide and ethnic cleansing both countries employed in...Show moreEvents of extreme ethnic violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda shook up the international community in the 1990s. In the years after genocide and ethnic cleansing both countries employed in different strategies for rehabilitating ethnic groups and mitigating ethnic tensions. This thesis focuses on the electoral institutions, and thereby aims to contribute to the literature on power sharing institutions. In Bosnia international actors have attempted to reconcile ethnic groups by dividing power in the country’s most important political institutions along ethnic lines. Though Bosnia has remained peaceful in the last two decades, cooperation between the Bosniak, Croat and Serbian ethnic minorities has proven difficult. The Office of the High Representative has used his ‘Bonn powers’ frequently to pass legislation or remove politicians that frustrated the peace process. In Rwanda the story is entirely different. The Arusha Peace Agreement of 1993 entailed democratization and power sharing between the Hutu government and Tutsi rebels, the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF). However, in a society in civil war, where ethnic discrimination was prevalent, power sharing catalysed a genocide. Now the RPF are in firm control of Rwanda’s political institutions. The RPF aims to ban the notion of ethnicity from the political sphere.Show less
