This thesis seeks to explore and understand the manner in which elite actors in Iraq constructed the sectarian violence in 2006 between the Shia and Sunni communities. To comprehensively analyse...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore and understand the manner in which elite actors in Iraq constructed the sectarian violence in 2006 between the Shia and Sunni communities. To comprehensively analyse this period, this paper will make use of Dexter and Jackson's framework "the Social Construction of Organised Political Violence". It will show how elites – called agents of political violence – used specific discourses and discursive sites to bring about the conditions necessary for political sectarian violence. However, this paper also argues that one cannot understand the sectarian violence in 2006 outside of the context of the U.S' invasion and subsequent occupation.Show less
In the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of...Show moreIn the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of these aid donors, having established a foreign aid system in its founding year 1971. Due to the lack of transparency in its aid practices and the small size of the country, the UAE’s aid practices have been understudied. However, some moves towards greater transparency have developed and thus renewed investigation into this question is possible (Almezaini 2012). One of the UAE’s major foreign aid beneficiaries is Egypt, particularly since 2013 when the largest share of UAE foreign aid was directed to the country (MICAID 2014). This thesis analyzes the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt since 2011. In so doing, it outlines theories of aid allocation and proposes an alternative to the theory of constructivism. Moreover, it posits that the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt are twofold: a desire to influence Egypt’s political landscape and a perceived threat of rising Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam rhetoric in a regionally influential country.Show less
This thesis will argue that to remain relevant within scholarship, IR scholars should recognize, as Nye and Strange have, that MNCs are powerful actors that influence the states they operate in,...Show moreThis thesis will argue that to remain relevant within scholarship, IR scholars should recognize, as Nye and Strange have, that MNCs are powerful actors that influence the states they operate in, the global political economy, and the norms and values the international system is based on. This point is fundamental to the study of IR so long as IR claims to explore power dynamics and the influences behind state-to-state interaction. This thesis does not claim that multinationals ought to be included in the study of IR on the grounds that they supersede the state or that states are no longer important in global governance, rather it argues that MNCs are important to the current structure of the global order. Its central research question seeks to explore how multinational corporations can be incorporated into the IR discipline. It looks at constructivism as the appropriate theoretical tool to do so. Although it seeks to add to the constructivist school of thought, it also critiques previous constructivist literature for not having done so already. These criticisms are two-fold: constructivists have failed to 1) analyze the MNC in terms of identities, interest, and power; and 2) analyzing contemporary international relations from a standpoint that is too theoretical to fully observe the realities of international relations in practice.Show less
EU enlargement is a complex and lengthy process that grants membership to candidate countries that meet the required criteria. The event of the veto, that rejected North Macedonia and Albania to...Show moreEU enlargement is a complex and lengthy process that grants membership to candidate countries that meet the required criteria. The event of the veto, that rejected North Macedonia and Albania to accession negotiates, temporarily ceased the enlargement process and underlined certain systematic deficiencies. The veto was initiated by French President Emmanuel Macron under the justification that Albania had not satisfied certain requirements to be suitable for accession talks as the state lacked a certain degree of economic stability. Various countries reacted differently to Macron’s decision. The Netherlands and Denmark showed support whereas Serbia, a current candidate country, reacted in a different manner. Serbia’s attitude towards the EU significantly changed as there was an underlying presence of hostility. Before the veto, there was a high level of EU-Serbia cooperation. Serbia was taking certain initiatives to demonstrate commitment by opening new chapters and collaborating with different EU leading politicians to discuss enlargement. Whereas after, there was less support for the EU and an increase in cooperation with actors that are not in favour of the EU, such as with Russia, Turkey and China. This paper examines the Serbia-EU relationship by analyzing the responses Serbia conducted before and after the veto. By using qualitative research methods, it identifies and analyzes the significant events during the time period of interest and applies different theoretical frameworks to further provide an explanation for the established responses. The theories applied were different theoretical frameworks to enlargement and theories relevant to Serbian enlargement politics. This research bases its evidence from various news articles and investigates the political activity conducted by Serbia in the form of public statements and political decision making. The research demonstrates that the responses were a product of Serbia not having effectively internalized the EU fundamental principles, thus preventing Serbia from progressing on its path towards the EU. The event of the veto damaged the EU’s credibility and established that the possibilities of future EU enlargement have significantly decreased. Therefore, for Serbia, an implementation of unfavorable liberal principles within their state is considered as unnecessary since the guarantee of membership is perceived as uncertain.Show less
The research question is to what extent are international relations theories able to explain the foreign policy of Oman between 1970 and 2020? To answer the main research puzzle and the questions...Show moreThe research question is to what extent are international relations theories able to explain the foreign policy of Oman between 1970 and 2020? To answer the main research puzzle and the questions consists of three steps. First, at the outset of the study, the thesis defines the conceptual basis of small states and to choose and apply an appropriate definition. With this step, the reader will know when the chosen state can be considered small, and which actors in a particular region / globally can be included in this category. The second step considers the determinants of the small states’ foreign policy, including geography, the characteristics of the international political and economic system, the conditions of statehood, internal institutions and norms, and the identities and national interests that society and leadership have. This provides a sound basis for the third stage of the analysis, where the chapter aims to compare the practical applicability of theoretical schools and the role of intangible resources through a case study and to draw attention to the importance of flexible use of theoretical frameworks.Show less
This thesis examines North Macedonia’s response to the European Council’s decision of rejecting the opening of accession negotiations, resulting from a veto by French President Emmanuel Macron in...Show moreThis thesis examines North Macedonia’s response to the European Council’s decision of rejecting the opening of accession negotiations, resulting from a veto by French President Emmanuel Macron in October 2019. North Macedonia is considered to be a pioneer in complying with the EU’s conditionality framework since 2001 and has received the European Commission’s positive recommendations to open the accession negotiations in 2009 and 2019. Although the EU’s incentive-based conditionality strategy is considered to be effective in academia, a scenario whereby a candidate country has adopted the EU conditions and was nevertheless rejected by the European Council has not been analysed yet. Consequently, this thesis is based on qualitative primary and secondary data, in which interviews played the essential sources of information. Rationalist and constructivist theories in EU conditionality studies play the fundamental basis as explanatory behavioural models in this research. The results of this research reveal that North Macedonia has not been discouraged by the French veto and eventually implemented final provisions of the EU integration process. On 24 March 2020, North Macedonia received the green light to the start of the accession talks.Show less
