“How did American Nuclear Diplomacy and Cold War Culture Facilitate the Making of a Japanese Nuclear Powerhouse in Postwar Japan?” This thesis examines the introductory phase of nuclear power to...Show more“How did American Nuclear Diplomacy and Cold War Culture Facilitate the Making of a Japanese Nuclear Powerhouse in Postwar Japan?” This thesis examines the introductory phase of nuclear power to Japan from 1945 to 1960 with a focus on political and cultural enabling factors towards the country`s decision to “go nuclear”. The central argument of this thesis constitutes that understanding nuclear developments in Japan requires acknowledging American nuclear diplomacy efforts, Cold War dynamics and strong cultural beliefs in Science and Technology developments at that time, mainstream economic or ecological reasoning is insufficient. This thesis concludes that Japanese nuclear developments were fueled by American nuclear diplomacy efforts, an existing Cold War culture and ideological beliefs in the superiority of pioneering science and technology developments in the postwar era, which made the Japanese government and society euphoric for nuclear power, enthusiastic for nuclear adoptions. This paper enhanced understanding of the introductory phase of nuclear power from a global to a national level, exemplified and explained through Japan as an Asian regional case study deconstructed via a historically situated political and cultural contextualization.Show less
Academics have generally overlooked how NGOs use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, or have acknowledged it but have not assessed it using the concept of epistemic communities....Show moreAcademics have generally overlooked how NGOs use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, or have acknowledged it but have not assessed it using the concept of epistemic communities. However, knowledge can also be a powerful tool in the hands of NGOs. Indeed, this study demonstrates that NGOs are more than just advocacy actors; like epistemic communities, they influence politicians’perceptions and actions with their knowledge. To determine this, I have closely examined the role of knowledge in three NGOs bases in Brussels: Ciré, CNCD11.11.11 and Plate-Forme Mineurs en Exil, and interviewed one employee from each organisation. I then compared my findings to expectations of how NGOs would use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, and determined that they matched the characteristics of epistemic communities. Nevertheless, this research is based on interviews and looked at specific cases. To generalise my conclusions, further research would have to be done.Show less
“This paper explores aspects of Russian cultural diplomacy in Greece during the 21st century. The focus is on features of tourism, religion and education and how these interact with Greek politics....Show more“This paper explores aspects of Russian cultural diplomacy in Greece during the 21st century. The focus is on features of tourism, religion and education and how these interact with Greek politics. The analysis looks at recent trends and tries to scrutinize the prevalent narrative that Greece and Russia are two traditional allies. Despite fertile ground for an effective cultural diplomacy policy, Russia does not capitalize on the sway and favorable view it has in Greece due to several factors. Especially in the last decade and since the onset of the Greek financial crisis, economic ties have not deepened. While there is much potential for the development of cooperation, it must take place in diverse fields and move away from the politicized domain of energy.”Show less
In the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was...Show moreIn the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was adopted in 2000, grants the organisation the right to intervene in case of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. This reflects a conceptualisation of sovereignty as responsibility. To understand this shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty, this thesis conducts a discourse analysis of nine official declarations of the Organization of African Unity between 1990 and 1999 through the lens of constructivist theory. It finds that collective identity, in the guise of Pan-Africanism, serves an important role in enabling the shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty through narrative and interaction. This suggests that collective identity, explicitly on the regional level, is an important factor to be considered in the institutionalisation of humanitarian intervention and has implications for the Responsibility to Protect.Show less
This exploratory research deals with identity discourses in Iran in relation to the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. The four identity discourses - Iranism, Islam, anti-hegemony and...Show moreThis exploratory research deals with identity discourses in Iran in relation to the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. The four identity discourses - Iranism, Islam, anti-hegemony and hyperindependence are examined based on contemporary studies on this topic.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore and understand the manner in which elite actors in Iraq constructed the sectarian violence in 2006 between the Shia and Sunni communities. To comprehensively analyse...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore and understand the manner in which elite actors in Iraq constructed the sectarian violence in 2006 between the Shia and Sunni communities. To comprehensively analyse this period, this paper will make use of Dexter and Jackson's framework "the Social Construction of Organised Political Violence". It will show how elites – called agents of political violence – used specific discourses and discursive sites to bring about the conditions necessary for political sectarian violence. However, this paper also argues that one cannot understand the sectarian violence in 2006 outside of the context of the U.S' invasion and subsequent occupation.Show less
In the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of...Show moreIn the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of these aid donors, having established a foreign aid system in its founding year 1971. Due to the lack of transparency in its aid practices and the small size of the country, the UAE’s aid practices have been understudied. However, some moves towards greater transparency have developed and thus renewed investigation into this question is possible (Almezaini 2012). One of the UAE’s major foreign aid beneficiaries is Egypt, particularly since 2013 when the largest share of UAE foreign aid was directed to the country (MICAID 2014). This thesis analyzes the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt since 2011. In so doing, it outlines theories of aid allocation and proposes an alternative to the theory of constructivism. Moreover, it posits that the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt are twofold: a desire to influence Egypt’s political landscape and a perceived threat of rising Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam rhetoric in a regionally influential country.Show less
This thesis examines North Macedonia’s response to the European Council’s decision of rejecting the opening of accession negotiations, resulting from a veto by French President Emmanuel Macron in...Show moreThis thesis examines North Macedonia’s response to the European Council’s decision of rejecting the opening of accession negotiations, resulting from a veto by French President Emmanuel Macron in October 2019. North Macedonia is considered to be a pioneer in complying with the EU’s conditionality framework since 2001 and has received the European Commission’s positive recommendations to open the accession negotiations in 2009 and 2019. Although the EU’s incentive-based conditionality strategy is considered to be effective in academia, a scenario whereby a candidate country has adopted the EU conditions and was nevertheless rejected by the European Council has not been analysed yet. Consequently, this thesis is based on qualitative primary and secondary data, in which interviews played the essential sources of information. Rationalist and constructivist theories in EU conditionality studies play the fundamental basis as explanatory behavioural models in this research. The results of this research reveal that North Macedonia has not been discouraged by the French veto and eventually implemented final provisions of the EU integration process. On 24 March 2020, North Macedonia received the green light to the start of the accession talks.Show less
This thesis argues that within the #EUandME campaign the construction of a ‘European identity’ is grounded upon a bottom-up strategy emphasizing practical shared interests which are founded upon...Show moreThis thesis argues that within the #EUandME campaign the construction of a ‘European identity’ is grounded upon a bottom-up strategy emphasizing practical shared interests which are founded upon shared values. This is in contrast with the popular approach to European identity that focusses on solely shared values. In doing so an analysis will be made of concepts such as social constructivism, identity and constitutional patriotism. Next to this theoretical approach empirical data will be included based on a closer look of the #EUandME young film makers campaign, and how these concepts relate to the identity construction advanced in this campaign.Show less
This thesis intervenes within the current debate between both norm- and relational constructivist schools with regard to the maintenance and contestation of a state’s ‘identity.’ As to move past...Show moreThis thesis intervenes within the current debate between both norm- and relational constructivist schools with regard to the maintenance and contestation of a state’s ‘identity.’ As to move past the exaggerated efficacy that norm- and relational scholars attribute to material and discursive factors respectively, this thesis instead argues – in accord with Critical Discourse Analytical insights – that both the material and discursive exist within a dialectic. Through arguing that the material and discursive internalize one another without being reducible to either factor, it becomes possible to gain a more nuanced understanding of how both material and discursive influence the maintenance and contestation of a state’s identity. To this end the thesis poses the question of: what discursive strategies did Abe Shinzō utilize as to overcome the restraints imposed by Japan’s ‘peace-loving’ state identity as to effect the remilitarization of Japan? This question is subsequently operationalized through a critical engagement with IR identity theory, Antonio Gramsci’s Political theory, and Critical Discourse Analysis’s insights into the realm of discourse. This allows for an enquiry into how Abe Shinzō utilized both discursive and material means as to overcome Japan’s current anti-militarist state identity.Show less
Why did the overall attempt of Syrian opposition groups to democratize Syria, fail? The purpose of this study is to answer this question and identify this case as a case of norm non-diffusion in...Show moreWhy did the overall attempt of Syrian opposition groups to democratize Syria, fail? The purpose of this study is to answer this question and identify this case as a case of norm non-diffusion in the broad framework of social constructivism. This is interesting because most theorists seek to explain norm diffusion in terms of success rather than failure. It does this by defining norms and the way they typically diffuse. The study identifies persuasion tactics as set out by Keck and Sikkink (1999) and combines these tactics with socialization mechanisms as provided by Risse, Ropp and Sikkink (1999). This leads to the exposure of constructivists’ models, which will be discussed in the theoretical framework. During the analysis of this study four attempts of democratization are analyzed by these models. The focus of this analysis relies on the successful use of the tactics in a chronological way and stresses the importance of the presence of support by the Syrian state, the Syrian people and the U.S.Show less
According to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries...Show moreAccording to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries do cooperate in international collective goods problems means that something must be missing from traditional rational choice models. IR theorists have tried to explain how it is possible that some countries do cooperate in collective goods problems while others do not.This research examines oil wealth as an explanation for non cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. This explanation is derived from the realist school of thought. The results of this research show that in two different cases oil wealth is negatively related to cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. Also other explanations from realist, liberalist and constructivist theories have been tested and compared to understand the importance of any of these explanations when explaining state behavior in collective goods problems.Show less
This thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the...Show moreThis thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the international community not intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria?’ forms the premise for this thesis. My main argument is that because of the non-consensus within the international community about R2P as a norm, there is a lack of political will to intervene in the situation in Syria. Furthermore, I argue that this lack of consensus is caused by the protection of the national interests of the states involved, especially the security of their sovereignty. These arguments are substantiated by the acceptance of my hypotheses which are based on the core assumptions of realism, liberalism, and constructivism. These hypotheses show that the protection of sovereignty, the lack of a common interest, and the non-consensus about R2P are crucial aspects in the decision not to intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria.Show less
