This study aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on whether self-esteem plays a central role in discrimination by exploring its influence in discriminatory behaviors within cooperative contexts...Show moreThis study aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on whether self-esteem plays a central role in discrimination by exploring its influence in discriminatory behaviors within cooperative contexts under unequal conditions. We measured discrimination using the Unequal Prisoner's Dilemma Game in which participants from the USA and the UK (N=200) were tasked with allocating resources to both ingroup and outgroup members while assuming an advantaged (resources multiplied by 2.5) and a disadvantaged role (resources multiplied by 1.5). Subsequently, we measured their self-esteem. We tested an association between discrimination and self-esteem to explore three hypotheses: a) people with low self-esteem will discriminate more; b) people with low self-esteem will discriminate less; c) people with low self-esteem will discriminate in an all-or-nothing fashion. Our analyses found no support for these hypotheses, showing a lack of association between self-esteem and discrimination. Moreover, self-esteem was not associated with whether individuals discriminated in an all-or-nothing trend. In essence, our findings suggest that self-esteem is not significantly associated with discrimination in the context of cooperation under unequal settings. This evidence highlights the need for future research to explore other traits to identify the core origins of discrimination.Show less
This study investigates how agreeableness and productivity uncertainty influence cooperation in social dilemmas. Productivity uncertainty refers to not knowing how much one’s cooperation will...Show moreThis study investigates how agreeableness and productivity uncertainty influence cooperation in social dilemmas. Productivity uncertainty refers to not knowing how much one’s cooperation will benefit the collective, a characteristic of many real-life social dilemmas like climate change. The uncertainty about whether cooperation will be productive, unproductive, or counterproductive might decrease people’s contributions to the public good. Previous research demonstrates that agreeableness is linked to the willingness to cooperate. It is argued that the negative impact of productivity uncertainty on cooperation is lower for people high rather than low on agreeableness. Despite significant main effects of agreeableness and productivity uncertainty on contributions to the public good, the findings of this experiment show that the degree of agreeableness does not explain the impact of productivity uncertainty on cooperation. However, the study provides several explanations and suggests directions for future research to better understand the influence of agreeableness and productivity uncertainty on cooperation.Show less
This study examines the role of the personality trait Honesty-Humility in predicting cooperation, competition, and peace in social dilemmas, using a novel economic game called the Co-Peace Game....Show moreThis study examines the role of the personality trait Honesty-Humility in predicting cooperation, competition, and peace in social dilemmas, using a novel economic game called the Co-Peace Game. While cooperation has been extensively studied, this research delves into the less explored aspects of competition and peace. We hypothesised that Honesty-Humility would have a positive relation with cooperation and a negative relation with competition, while predicting a reluctance to invest in the peace pool. We used an experimental economic game study design, participants (N =198) played eight rounds of the Co-Peace Game. A regression analysis was used to test our hypotheses. As expected, individuals with higher Honesty–Humility tendencies, cooperated more compared to individuals with lower Honesty–Humility tendencies. Surprisingly, results did not find a significant relation between Honesty-Humility with competition or peace. The research emphasises the complexity of personality traits in influencing social behaviours and offers valuable insights for future research.Show less
Despite rising economical inequalities it is still difficult to get Leftists and Rightists on the same page concerning taxes/economical redistribution. Trust and cooperation are factors that can...Show moreDespite rising economical inequalities it is still difficult to get Leftists and Rightists on the same page concerning taxes/economical redistribution. Trust and cooperation are factors that can play a big role in tax morale, could it be that Leftists and Rightists are just fundamentally different on these two elements? This study attempts to find that out. To be more specific this study explores whether Leftists and Rightists differ significantly in trust and cooperation, as measured in a context without political cues. With the use of a questionnaire, involving a Public Goods Game, Adjusted Trust Game, and ideology measure, data was gathered for the needed analyses. No significant differences were found between Leftists and Rightists on the factors trust and cooperation. What the results of this study would suggest is that there is no so called ideological asymmetry on trust and cooperation, which is in line with the proposed hypotheses.Show less
In the current study it is investigated whether environmental uncertainty influences the effect of generalized trust on cooperation. The expectations were that higher generalized trust would be...Show moreIn the current study it is investigated whether environmental uncertainty influences the effect of generalized trust on cooperation. The expectations were that higher generalized trust would be related to higher cooperation, and that this positive relationship would be even stronger when uncertainty about the cooperativeness of contributing would be introduced. The reasoning was that the environmental uncertainty would make the decision situation ‘weaker’ (i.e., vague or no cues for appropriate behavior in the situation), and therefore individuals would rely more heavily on dispositional traits. We tested this by presenting participants with public good games with and without uncertainty. While the first expectation was met, the results did not corroborate our reasoning of the second expectation. Thus, generalized trust proved to be a stable predictor for cooperation. However, it did not become stronger when uncertainty about the cooperativeness of contributing was introduced.Show less
Humans have always been exposed to different kinds of threats. These threats have the ability to influence group behaviour and can have an effect on individual or collective welfare. While evidence...Show moreHumans have always been exposed to different kinds of threats. These threats have the ability to influence group behaviour and can have an effect on individual or collective welfare. While evidence suggests that threat exposure can increase cooperation and collective action, there is also evidence that suggests that threats actually break down cooperation. Furthermore, peer punishment is generally seen as a method to maintain cooperation, though usually at the cost of wasted resources. The effects of a shared threat on social decision-making in groups and the impact of peer punishment will be examined in order to test whether the presence of a common threat renders the use of peer punishment obsolete. Individuals (N = 180) in groups of three were exposed to the threat of electric shocks. Heart rate and skin conductance were continuously measured while participants decided how much to contribute to a public good. Half of the participating groups also got the opportunity to deduct resources from another participant during feedback phases.Show less
Social dilemmas arise when individual and collective interests conflict. Some crises-like social dilemmas, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, comprise two parts: people must cooperate to prevent a...Show moreSocial dilemmas arise when individual and collective interests conflict. Some crises-like social dilemmas, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, comprise two parts: people must cooperate to prevent a disaster (public bad) but once prevented, i.e., a turning point was reached, positive externalities are generated (public good). Our study aims to expand the literature by studying cooperation, coordination, and motivation in such crises-like situations. We formulated the Adversity-Opportunity model (AOM) as a modified public goods game, introducing a negative initial group account to model "turning a bad into a good” and the turning point. In a mixed-factorial experiment, we measured participants' social value orientation and afterwards allocated them into three conditions. While contributions in the AOM condition could leave/turn the group account negative/positive, it could only remain negative (Public Bad condition) or is only shared when positive (Public Good condition). Within subjects, we varied the negative initial group account, while prompting expected and most appropriate contribution after each decision. Our results showed consistently high cooperation in the AOM across turning points, while social dispositions were a significant predictor of cooperation. We argue that when cooperation always is continuously beneficial, coordination is not required, and people cannot deduct a convergent collective and individual interest. A common interest to avoid over- or underspending could have enabled participants to form expectations and thus partially coordinate their choices. A public bad fostered marginally larger contributions than a public good interaction, after accounting for dispositions. Further research is necessary to confirm our findings and assess follow-up questions.Show less
The idea for a European military force is not new. Ideas of a European military force had been considered a key priority soon after the EU had been established in 1952, then in the form of a so...Show moreThe idea for a European military force is not new. Ideas of a European military force had been considered a key priority soon after the EU had been established in 1952, then in the form of a so-called ‘European Defence Community’, but were set aside after multiple disagreements in the 1950s. However, since the shift in the international order in the 1990s after the fall of the USSR, the general but slow shift in world powers tilting towards a rising China, the shift in the relationship with the U.S., and other continued military threats throughout the world, the EU has revoked its former stance on defence and security and has taken a variety of steps to develop this field. Yet, despite these threats, shifts and initiatives, an official and entirely European military force has never been achieved. Why has the EU only been able to come to the current level of cooperation and integration of EU defence and not any further? This thesis will argue that three obstacles have been important in this development.Show less
This research paper is focused on current developments of Sino-Russian relations in the Arctic regarding energy cooperation and potential security issues. Taking the perspective of China, a...Show moreThis research paper is focused on current developments of Sino-Russian relations in the Arctic regarding energy cooperation and potential security issues. Taking the perspective of China, a thorough analysis of Chinese propaganda and official communiques are analysed to thoroughly understand the position of China in the Arctic given that the Chinese Communist Party has been disclosing very little information regarding China's ambitions in the Arctic. The theoretical framework of this paper incorporates future scenario models to predict the likelihood of how China and Russia's economic cooperation in the Arctic will develop in the near-future due to pressing factors such as the Chinese Communist Party's domestic political agenda and more broadly, how climate change will also shape the prospect of Sino-Russian relations in the Arctic.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to investigate cooperation between China and Europe and to identify changes in partnerships with the advancement of China’s space program. In the first part, a general...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to investigate cooperation between China and Europe and to identify changes in partnerships with the advancement of China’s space program. In the first part, a general overview of space exploration and the history of China’s space program is presented. China’s achievements and innovations in space had come comparatively late, but nowadays has China a become a world-class player in this field. Then thesis then analyses the structure of different space programs and the political environment that affects the development of partnerships. This continues with the economic benefits for both parties, including cost sharing, innovation and technology, access to resources, job employment and prestige. In conclusion, the thesis argues that cooperation between Europe and China in the field of space technology development has not been very intense from the start of national space programs in the early 1950s, but after the end of the cold war relations between China and in particular the West of Europe gradually became better. This thesis hopes to offer a valuable insight into changing roles in the field of aerospace by analysing China’s rapidly expanding space program.Show less
China has been changing its soft power strategy in Africa since the time of negative media coverage in the early and mid 2000s. A stronger focus is being put on a people-to-people approach of...Show moreChina has been changing its soft power strategy in Africa since the time of negative media coverage in the early and mid 2000s. A stronger focus is being put on a people-to-people approach of interaction, trying to foster stronger personal bonds between Africans and Chinese citizens as well institutions. Education, culture and health care have the strongest positive impact on average African citizens, and China is increasing its efforts in these fields through cooperation agreements.Show less
Economic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state,...Show moreEconomic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state, thus this research tests the cooperative theory in which the focus is on the international behavior of the target state when assessing the effectiveness of economic sanctions. The research question driving this thesis is: are economic sanctions more effective in a non-cooperative authoritarian state or a cooperative authoritarian state? The two case studies are China (cooperative authoritarian state) and Iran (non-cooperative authoritarian state). Through five mechanisms, budget of the target state, opposition within the target state, type of sanction, commitment of the sender state, and dependence of the target state on the international community, the effectiveness of the sanctions is analyzed. Noticeably there is a stronger link between effective sanctions and the cooperative authoritarian state (China) in comparison with the non-cooperative authoritarian state (Iran), the international mechanisms mostly drive the effectiveness of the sanctions in the cooperative authoritarian state, and neo-realism is a very noticeable factor in utilizing economic sanctions.Show less
International Relations theories have generally accepted the idea that the global system is structured by the principle of anarchy. In some regional systems however, the anarchical character of the...Show moreInternational Relations theories have generally accepted the idea that the global system is structured by the principle of anarchy. In some regional systems however, the anarchical character of the international politics has disappeared because of external hegemonic actors who have transformed the regional system into a hierarchical regional structure. In this structure, the distribution of power is affected to the extent that the regional dynamics are no longer determined by a state of anarchy but by a state of hierarchy, in which the hegemonic state renders regional competition by the subordinate states meaningless. Cooperation on conflict management in these regional systems is therefore bound to have different outcomes than in systems characterized by anarchy, as is shown in the case study of Central Asia, since uncertainty does not prevail and a central government (in the form of the hegemonic actor) is able to impose order on the regional members. Re-conceptualizing the systemic structure in which regional conflict management functions will enhance understanding of the changing world order, and improve predictions of state behavior in hierarchical regional structures.Show less
In Leiden heeft de nieuwe coalitie die ontstond na de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 2010 een kort coalitieakkoord in het leven geroepen, wat breekt met de geschiedenis van lange coalitieakkoorden...Show moreIn Leiden heeft de nieuwe coalitie die ontstond na de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 2010 een kort coalitieakkoord in het leven geroepen, wat breekt met de geschiedenis van lange coalitieakkoorden die de gemeenteraad van leiden heeft. Dit korte akkoord had als doel om de scheidslijn coalitie/oppositie te doen verminderen. Na het maken van een grote dataset met alle raadsbesluiten, moties en amendementen vanaf 2006, is het mogelijk om een wetenschappelijk oordeel te geven over deze poging. Dit onderzoek laat door kwantitatieve methoden, die meerdere aspecten van de coalitie-oppositiescheidslijn belichten, zien dat er inderdaad een correlatie bestaat tussen een kort coalitieakkoord en een vermindering van de scheidslijn van de coalitie. Op het spoor gezet door andere literatuur blijkt dat waarschijnlijk een andere factor ook veel effect heeft op de scheidslijn coalitie-oppositie: de ideologische diversiteit van de partijen in de coalitie.Show less
