The focus of this thesis lies on the European Union’s (EU) strategy toward counterterrorism, specifically from 2005 until 2022. How and why the EUs counterterrorism strategy has changed, and its...Show moreThe focus of this thesis lies on the European Union’s (EU) strategy toward counterterrorism, specifically from 2005 until 2022. How and why the EUs counterterrorism strategy has changed, and its effectiveness will be investigated. This is done through qualitative research where three policy documents: EU Counterterrorism Strategy (2005), EU Counterterrorism Agenda (2020) and the Security Compass (2022) are analyzed and compared. Throughout the thesis, it becomes clear that crisis significantly impacts the development of and change in EU counterterrorism policy.Show less
Since 2017, the Netherlands can instrumentalise citizenship deprivation of foreign fighters located abroad as a counterterrorism measure if it is deemed necessary in the context of national...Show moreSince 2017, the Netherlands can instrumentalise citizenship deprivation of foreign fighters located abroad as a counterterrorism measure if it is deemed necessary in the context of national security. This measure was to be evaluated in late 2021 for its effectiveness. Prior to this debate, Dutch governmental advisory bodies, next to academic literature, released reports advising against the measure’s effectiveness. Nonetheless, the decision was made to prolong the policy on citizenship deprivation of foreign fighters abroad, therefore disregarding expert advice. This study adopts a qualitative thematic analysis and an inductive coding process to investigate the political attitudes and positions of political parties and actors involved in the 2021 debate to identify possible underlying reasons for justifying the prolongation of the policy. An underlying reason identified for the justifications made by political parties and actors is their political positions: distinctions in attitudes on the topic between left- and right-wing parties are identified. Another underlying reason is that political parties tend to ignore experts if their advice does not align with the political parties' interests and agenda. Therefore, political parties' and actors’ justifications can be explained by their political attitudes, positions, and agenda.Show less
This research explores the relationship between concern over “Islamic extremism” in counterterrorism and the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment, and to what extent have these dynamics...Show moreThis research explores the relationship between concern over “Islamic extremism” in counterterrorism and the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment, and to what extent have these dynamics contributed to the growth of the far-right in the case of Denmark. A better understanding of this relationship is relevant because the latter may continue flourishing despite efforts to curb extremist ideologies. Therefore, the purpose is to shed light on potential interplay, unintended consequences and outcomes that may arise from counter-extremism policies. Consequently, these policies can be adjusted more effectively, making a country more secure. Using discourse analysis on various documents and comparing them before and after 2015, the research maps out the situation of the three topics at hand in Denmark. This point in time was chosen because of the Copenhagen Shootings that changed the social and political environment of the country. The research finds that despite awareness of growing Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment, there is a permanent focus on Islamic extremism in CVE, which increases the susceptibility of Islamic individuals to extremist ideologies. In turn, this increases Islamophobia, which far-right extremists can use to spread their ideology and expand more easily. The complex interaction is highlighted, and how the phenomena reinforce and affect each other is discussed.Show less
This study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS)...Show moreThis study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS) in the field of counterterrorism. It is an explanatory deductive study employing qualitative methods, more specifically process-tracing, using data obtained from interviews and analysis of primary and secondary sources. The Madrid 2004 bombings and November 2015 Paris attacks are used as case studies to provide in-depth analysis of the MIC framework. The findings indicate that the driver internal demand contributes significantly to a MS’ decision to engage in intelligence exchange. The other two drivers, external pressure and cooperative momentum, are clearly discernible but have a smaller impact. Additionally, this research examines the MIC model’s limitations and discusses alternative factors crucial for establishing effective multilateral intelligence cooperation.Show less
For more than a decade, the West African Sahel has grappled with terrorist insurgencies. Particularly in the Malian desert and the Lake Chad basin have they been able to recruit the impoverished...Show moreFor more than a decade, the West African Sahel has grappled with terrorist insurgencies. Particularly in the Malian desert and the Lake Chad basin have they been able to recruit the impoverished population and terrorise the region. Due to the lawlessness, terrorist organisations have expanded their operations across the borders and have become transnational threats. In response, states in the region have turned to regional organisations for support. The African Union and ECOWAS are seen as crucial security actors in the region as they have supported and participated in counterterrorism operations. However, recently these organisations have been less active on this front, and states have instead established ad-hoc multinational anti-terrorism coalitions. These have become the FC-G5S, which operate in Mali, and the MNJTF, in the Lake Chad Basin. As this shift in security actors has become apparent, it is essential to understand how each organisation contributes to counter-terrorist operations. The increasingly complex array of security actors in the West African Sahel, marred by funding issues and logistical constraints, calls for more research on their activities and how they intersect. Therefore, this thesis provides an analysis of each organisation’s efforts, their effectiveness, and how they compare using a New Regionalist Approach.Show less
Contemporary transnational terrorism destabilizes governments, threatens social and economic development while jeopardizing peace and stability. The 9/11 terrorist attacks and the War on Terror led...Show moreContemporary transnational terrorism destabilizes governments, threatens social and economic development while jeopardizing peace and stability. The 9/11 terrorist attacks and the War on Terror led to the implementation of counterterrorism strategies that feature hard and soft power politics. Simultaneously the global order changed with the rise of new great powers. Why do counterterrorism strategies from great power and non-great power states differ? Little has been done to explain the underlying variation. This comparative study shows that the theory of Nye (2004) can help to address the uncertainties in terms of future great power behaviour in the field of counterterrorism. Moreover, future research on this topic must examine the validity of this conclusion in relation to other cases than the US and the Netherlands.Show less
The 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The...Show moreThe 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The indirect way of engaging in conflict is, according to policy makers, today’s panacea to ‘achieve a more sustainable victory’ while ‘it won’t require us sending a new generation (...) overseas to fight and die for another decade on foreign soil’. The unfortunate reality is, however, that little is known about the sustainability of this military strategy. Available studies on SFA predominantly assess the effectiveness on the battlefield, but there is surprisingly little academic research – let alone public debate – on its long-term effects and the kind of security it creates. As a first attempt to rectify this relative inattention in the literature, this study investigates the Mosul Offensive to understand how and with what effect the U.S.-led Global Coalition against Daesh tried to govern security outcomes in Iraq through the SFA programs that were central to Operation Inherent Resolve between 2014 and 2018.Show less
The Chinese war on Uyghur terrorism is often condemned for its human rights abuses, however, this ignores the Chinese view on the issue. The conflict between the Uyghurs and the Chinese reaches far...Show moreThe Chinese war on Uyghur terrorism is often condemned for its human rights abuses, however, this ignores the Chinese view on the issue. The conflict between the Uyghurs and the Chinese reaches far into the shared history, but it has accelerated after the events of 9/11 which created a new discourse on terrorism in China. This study aims to create a better understanding of the conflict by researching the conflict as objectively as possible. The question that will guide this thesis is: To what extent does the Chinese definition of terrorism and the perceived threat of the Uyghurs align with the counterterror measures taken in comparison to counterterror measures employed by a number of Western nations? To answer the question, the Chinese definition of terrorism has been compared to an academic definition, along with a research on the Uyghur threat, and an analysis of the counterterror measures of China in comparison to the Netherlands and France. While the Chinese definitions is too broad, Uyghur terrorist organizations do form a threat, and the Chinese counterterror measures are not too different from France due to the securitization process, both countries have gone through. The thesis concludes that counterterror measures are valid in the light of the perceived threat due to the issue being securitized.Show less
This thesis looked at U.S. counterterrorism policies and strategy in Yemen during the precidencies of Bush and Obama, and how those were related to the decline of state power in Yemen. It...Show moreThis thesis looked at U.S. counterterrorism policies and strategy in Yemen during the precidencies of Bush and Obama, and how those were related to the decline of state power in Yemen. It demonstrated that both presidents had a different approach towards the country. Whereas Bush's policies were rather reactive to the developments in Yemen, Obama instead drafted a plan and stuck with it, even though there were major changes in the country during his tenure.Show less
Da'esh (also known as the Islamic State in Syria and/or Levant) rose after the Western intervention in Iraq. The group is quite unique in that it uses social media to gain supporters and lure...Show moreDa'esh (also known as the Islamic State in Syria and/or Levant) rose after the Western intervention in Iraq. The group is quite unique in that it uses social media to gain supporters and lure Muslims worldwide to join their so- called jihad. The figures of foreign fighters from Europe is unknown, yet the director of Europol, Rob Wainwright, estimated the number at 3,000 to 5,000 as of January 2015, from this number approximately 250 come from the Netherlands. The National Coordinator for Security and Counterterrorism in the Netherlands states that terrorism is “preceded by the process of radicalisation”, but this thesis will argue that there is a more diverse range of factors that push Dutch Muslim youth to join Da’esh, namely the process of radicalisation, the isolation effect, political discrimination, the rise of Islamophobia and propaganda by Da’eshShow less
Women have generally been subjugated to supportive roles in patriarchal Islamic groups, however the last number of years has seen a rise in their mobilization in violent extremist roles within...Show moreWomen have generally been subjugated to supportive roles in patriarchal Islamic groups, however the last number of years has seen a rise in their mobilization in violent extremist roles within those organisations. This trend is unusual considering that the tradition, culture and religion of these groups have traditionally served to limit women's engagement to auxiliary positions. While mobilising women in such positions benefits these groups in numerous ways, it also comes with a number of costs that need to be considered by such groups and that have generally prevented women's entry into such positions in the past. This paper seeks to understand what has motivated this shift in tactics, by use of a benefit-cost analysis, as well as examining current theories and conducting three case studies. The findings suggest that group duress is the strongest factor influencing an organisation's decision to engage women in violent acts of terror.Show less
The phrase "War on Terror" has become one of the most used by politicians in the last two decades and international terrorism nowadays classifies as one of the top security priorities in the...Show moreThe phrase "War on Terror" has become one of the most used by politicians in the last two decades and international terrorism nowadays classifies as one of the top security priorities in the political agendas. With the growth of the phenomenon of the “home-grown” terrorists, the pressure is on the rise for countries worldwide to find and adopt measures suitable for preventing rather than mitigating and treating post-terrorist attacks' conditions and situations. Next to repression early prevention could prove to be an extremely valuable tool maybe not for the immediate future but for the generations to come to live terror-free. For this reason, violent extremism and violent extreme radicalization need to be approached and tackled at their roots before reaching the point of searching for potential homegrown terrorists or even later post-attack attempting to find the culprits and their groups or networks or even later trying through programmes to de-radicalize and reinstate them in the society. According to many scientists and academics, education plays a key role in the shaping of young minds and this is a preventive sector that the EU should be investing in even more. It could be argued that legal constrictions to the matter are applicable, which has been a significant impediment. However, the Member States should be discussing for education reforms to be applied as such, since this not anymore purely a matter of education and of national interest of each Member State, but relates directly to EU-wide security situations. The EU until very recently has not had specific steps or points within its policies at union level as far as education is concerned to prevent violent extremist radicalisation of young individuals. The situation has changed in the last 5 years, but measures still lack specificity, guidance and instruction in application. Member states themselves have adopted different approaches - related to counterterrorism and not necessarily focusing on education since such EU reforms were non-binding - either pre or post-incidents of terrorism depending on the degree to which each has suffered from cases and attacks of violent radicalisation. Many discussions and decisions have been made to adopt a common EU level approach on education against terrorism, or at least to follow the same direction and to move towards a common goal. However, all of these until now - other more and other less - have been non-specific and/or non-binding, meaning they also have not been implemented evenly around the EU or - if not at all. This dissertation is an effort to more specific and targeted steps in education in an effort to prevent violent radicalisation and the creation of more homegrown terrorists.Show less
The bombings in New York on 9 September 2001 (9/11) made the European Union (EU) realize that it would be necessary to change European policies to combat this form of terrorism. This asked for a...Show moreThe bombings in New York on 9 September 2001 (9/11) made the European Union (EU) realize that it would be necessary to change European policies to combat this form of terrorism. This asked for a strong cooperation between different elements of the EU, such as the EU self, Member States and the European Police Office (Europol). Although it is Europol’s role to gather information that comes from the Member States concerning terrorists’ acts or behaviour and to act as an umbrella organisation, the cooperation between Europol and the Member States is difficult. Even so, after 9/11 the EU was capable in creating the ‘Plan of Action on Combating Terrorism’ to create the first guidelines to prevent that the EU would also be a victim of this form of terrorism in the future. To understand what the effect was of this Plan, this thesis looks into the question to what extent the EU has been using arguments such as terrorism to incentivize the Member States to take action against terrorism. This thesis will argue that this Plan was not very successful. The member states should make more use of the EU’s and Europol’s capabilities and increase and improve the cooperation between them all and that the EU should enhance the capabilities of Europol. Furthermore, the Member States should not only act when there is a massive attack as on 9/11, because it is better to prevent certain attacks and to minimalize the consequences and victims.Show less
