Research master thesis | Archaeology (research) (MA/MSc)
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This thesis focuses on the use of experimental archaeology and residues analysis to further our understanding of the plant exploitation possibilities on the Crimean Peninsula during the Late...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the use of experimental archaeology and residues analysis to further our understanding of the plant exploitation possibilities on the Crimean Peninsula during the Late Pleniglacial period (19 -15 cal BP). Crimean plant exploitation during this period is not well understood despite palaeoenvironmental, archaeological and ethnobotanical data being available. The aim was to elicit the types of residues that would have been collected and how these residues could be made useful in archaeological applications. This was done by executing several experiments with stone tools and plants likely to have been on the peninsula during that period. The results showed interesting plant specific correlations with the tools as well as a consistent performance of starch accumulation across all tools. These results are a vital step towards creating a broader and a more inclusive reference collection for wild plants in order to understand the residues and what we need to look for in the field from an archaeological and palaeobotanical perspective.Show less
While the 2014 annexation of Crimea was a complete success for Russia, Russia’s involvement in the Donbas conflict only a month later proved a failure despite the use of similar tactics. Previous...Show moreWhile the 2014 annexation of Crimea was a complete success for Russia, Russia’s involvement in the Donbas conflict only a month later proved a failure despite the use of similar tactics. Previous academic discourse has alluded to these kinds of tactics, here presented as ‘ambiguous warfare’ operations, being implemented in future conflicts. Yet, little attention has been awarded to which factors facilitate successful implementations of ambiguous warfare. The case study presented in this research has set out to determine if the conditions that facilitated ambiguous warfare’s success in Crimea were present in the Donbas. It is additionally explored which differences in the two operations denied Russia a favourable outcome in the Donbas. Results show that four out of six success conditions for ambiguous warfare were not present in the Donbas. Additionally, ambiguous warfare in the Donbas was hindered by ill-suited strategic goals for such operations and insufficient planning. The findings suggest that favorable conditions for ambiguous warfare rarely occur, with the Donbas conflict producing no lasting success for Russia. Yet, states should increase their resilience against ambiguous warfare threats, as such operations may remain appealing options for Russia. This research paper complements the academic understanding of ambiguous warfare.Show less
This thesis sought to explore factors resulting in EU foreign policy reform through Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework. Using the literature on EU foreign policy change and the EU’s sanctions...Show moreThis thesis sought to explore factors resulting in EU foreign policy reform through Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework. Using the literature on EU foreign policy change and the EU’s sanctions policy as a fundamental basis, the expectations were that framing in a particular way would result in EU foreign policy reform, that policy entrepreneurs contributed to EU foreign policy reform, and that think tanks and swings of European mood contributed to EU foreign policy reform. Within this thesis, the imposition of sanctions against Russia represents the policy reform and window of opportunity through which policy reform can be realized. The cases of the annexations of Crimea and four Ukrainian regions were selected. To identify the factors at play, European news outlets, EU policy documents and meeting results, think tank reports and opinion polls have been consulted. The results revealed that policy entrepreneurs within the policy stream were responsible for the imposition of sanctions, despite continuous expression of dissatisfaction and use of the window of opportunity by think tanks. The discoveries within this thesis offer insights into the significant influence of factors found in the Multiple Streams Framework, contributing to existing literature on policymaking and opening avenues for further research.Show less
This thesis applies the actorness-framework of Bretherton and Vogler (2006) on the EU’s reaction to the annexation of Crimea and links this to the theoretical powers of the European Union, market...Show moreThis thesis applies the actorness-framework of Bretherton and Vogler (2006) on the EU’s reaction to the annexation of Crimea and links this to the theoretical powers of the European Union, market power, normative power, liberal power and protean power. It aims to create a clear view on the EU’s reaction by examining the scope, actorness, and the contents, powers, of this reactions. This is necessary as it is a case study of actorness of post-treaty of Lisbon Europe, to be able to form a basis for research on effectiveness and it allows the European Union to reflect on its response. This thesis recommends the creation of an European Crisis Management Team to enhance actorness and output. We conclude that the EU showed a medium degree of actorness, with high levels of normative and market powers, mixed with a medium degree of protean power.Show less
The Neanderthal extinction is not fully understood and there is no common consensus on the date of the demise of Neanderthals in Europe. In the Crimean peninsula, located in south-eastern Europe,...Show moreThe Neanderthal extinction is not fully understood and there is no common consensus on the date of the demise of Neanderthals in Europe. In the Crimean peninsula, located in south-eastern Europe, there is evidence for a longer persistence. This thesis investigates the late Neanderthal persistence on the Crimean peninsula. The foraging radius and the settlement patterns of the Crimean Micoquian and the Western Crimean Mousterian are discussed together with analysis of the known radiocarbon dates to gain understanding of the correlation between them. To test the hypothesis that the foraging radius impacted the longer persistence of Neanderthals populations, secondary literature has been analyzed regarding the environmental, lithic and faunal assemblages. The results show that the foraging radius is difficult to determine but it did not have a major influence on the persistence of Neanderthals in Crimea. The radiocarbon datings together with the environmental data concur with the later persistence of Neanderthal populations. Moreover, the Crimean Micoquian was highly adapted in Crimea and especially the mountainous region. The adaptation together with the seasonal movement of prey led to more interaction between Neanderthal populations, which resulted in a potentially higher fitness. This needs to be tested in future research by, for example, the extraction of aDNA from samples of soil of Late Middle Palaeolithic sites. The limitations with this method of testing are the lack of Neanderthal fossils dating to this late period and the presence of palimpsest in many of the Late Middle Palaeolithic sites. Additionally, Russian and Ukrainian literature from previous excavations needs to be translated and re-evaluated to gain more knowledge about the Crimean Middle Palaeolithic as a whole.Show less
"The question central to this thesis is therefore what forms of intercultural interaction and exchange did occur between Greeks and locals in the Northern Black Sea region, based on the analysis of...Show more"The question central to this thesis is therefore what forms of intercultural interaction and exchange did occur between Greeks and locals in the Northern Black Sea region, based on the analysis of graves and grave goods, and whether the framework of ‘Hellenization’ reflects local reality."Show less
Academic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were...Show moreAcademic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were common, with journalists and scholars going to lengths as to which post-Soviet republic with a sizeable Russian-speaking population would be the next ‘domino’ in the ‘domino effect’ that Crimea was argued to bring about. Much has been written about Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ since, but much less has been written about the factors favorable to the hypothesized replication of ‘Crimea’ for individual cases such as Belarus. By transforming Laruelle’s study of Russian secessionism in Kazakhstan into a more broadly applicable analytical framework, this thesis ultimately suggests that the conditions in Belarus – the lack of focus of ‘compatriot issues’ in Russia-Belarus relations, the difficulty of delineating a ‘Russian part’ of Belarus and its population, and the lack of a grassroots organizational framework – are ultimately unfavorable to Russian-sponsored secessionism.Show less
Until 2014, Ukraine Distinguished itself from fellow former Soviet republics through its competitive political arena and lack of domestic armed conflict. That changed in 2014 with the Euromaidan...Show moreUntil 2014, Ukraine Distinguished itself from fellow former Soviet republics through its competitive political arena and lack of domestic armed conflict. That changed in 2014 with the Euromaidan protests in February, followed by the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in March. These protests turned violent, triggering a government sanctioned counterterrorism operation in response. Peace negotiations coordinated by the OSCE resulted in the signing of the Mink Protocol establishing an immediate cease-fire monitored by the OSCE. Despite these international efforts, the fighting in Donbas sustained and Donbas turned into a semi-frozen conflict facing sporadic military skirmishes. Within the analysis of new civil wars, further specification can be made to distinguish protracted social conflicts (PSCs), or those in which groups are deprived of basic needs on the basis of communal identity as a result of a complex causal chain involving the role of the state and international linkages. PSCs are of particular interest in the case of Ukraine as it experienced unparalleled demographic reversals throughout the 20th century. This research postures the following question: to what extent is the post-Euromaidan prevalence of separatist paramilitary activity in Donbas a manifestation of a protracted social conflict? Using an adaptation of Azar’s genesis model as a framework in order to attempt to partially answer the aforementioned question, it is concluded that the separatist paramilitary activity in Donbas is likely a manifestation of a protracted social conflict based on human need deprivation.Show less
Leading up to the secession vote in Crimea in March 2014, a shift in the monopoly on violence led to shift in the information available, the popular demand, and the future options and costs to the...Show moreLeading up to the secession vote in Crimea in March 2014, a shift in the monopoly on violence led to shift in the information available, the popular demand, and the future options and costs to the local decision makers. Having demonstrated these shifts by analyzing news paper articles written during the crisis, and using Hirschmann's theory of Exit, Voice, and Loyalty we can conclude the change in circumstances led to local parliamentarians to support the secession measures.Show less
The term hybrid warfare has often been associated with Russian operations in Ukraine, yet academia is in disagreement on the relevance and viability of this term. This thesis puts Russian hybrid...Show moreThe term hybrid warfare has often been associated with Russian operations in Ukraine, yet academia is in disagreement on the relevance and viability of this term. This thesis puts Russian hybrid methods and ‘hybrid warfare’ into a new perspective by determining the extent of which Russian hybrid operations have aided Russia in achieving its aims in the Ukraine conflict in a strategic manner. In order to do so, a strategic value assessment model was developed and applied to Russian hybrid operations in the context of the annexation of Crimea and the subsequent conflict in Eastern Ukraine. This thesis has found that, despite seeing relative success in Crimea, Russian hybrid operations cannot be considered as highly strategic. This is mostly due to the heavy reliance on the use of Russian proxy forces in the form of separatist groups, which have proven to be difficult to control in the long term and have acted out of line with Russian national policy on some occasions.Show less
This thesis consists of a comparative analysis of the media coverage on the Crimean crisis between 27 February and 25 March by the Russian news agencies Interfax and Tass. The thesis argues that...Show moreThis thesis consists of a comparative analysis of the media coverage on the Crimean crisis between 27 February and 25 March by the Russian news agencies Interfax and Tass. The thesis argues that the respective news coverage of this event does not differ in significant ways, despite Tass being stateowned and Interfax being a private cooperation.Show less
Both scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because...Show moreBoth scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because of its importance as “the spiritual source” of the Russian nation, others state that Russia’s historical claim to the peninsula was the reason for the annexation (Russia possessed it until 1954 when the Soviet leadership transferred it to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic). Another group claims it was a purely strategic decision since it allowed Russia to increase its military capabilities by taking over most of the Ukrainian Black See Fleet and that this was just the start of president Putin’s great power restoration campaign . Most of the explanations are rooted in either the realist theory that revolves around power maximisation and self-interest or the constructivist theory that focusses on norms and identities. This thesis will build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis determined if the four intervening variables neoclassical realism type III identified (e.g. leader images, strategic culture, state-society relations and domestic political institutions) affected the manner in which Russia responded to certain external stimuli (geography, military technology, distribution of power, polarity of the international system, clarity of the international system and the nature of state’s strategic environment) that lead to the annexation of Crimea. This thesis found that a state's strategic environment contributed most significantly to the decision to annex Crimea, because without the political turmoil going on within Ukraine it would have been unlikely that Russia would have succeeded. The research also found that the intervening variables of leader image and strategic culture played a part in the decision making process. Even though the strategic culture helped to gain acceptance among society, it was the leader image that was most influential in shaping the ultimate decision. In the case of Russia and Crimea, it is very clear that president Putin was the actor that made the annexation a reality.Show less
This thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics...Show moreThis thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics have been subjected to a Critical Discourse Analysis, engaging with the insights of ancient and contemporary rhetoric scholars. The results show that Putin consistently weaves three narratives that run like a thread through his speeches. First, Putin presents himself as a kind, intelligent, and respectful leader who has an adequate amount of experience and supports the people. Second, Putin persistently shows that Russia only has good intentions for the world. Last, Russia finally stands up for its interests after years of suppression and humiliation by the hypocrite West. These results not just illustrate the rhetorical techniques that underlay Putin’s account of Russia’s foreign policy. They also provide an insight into the worldview of the vast majority of Russians because of a media monopoly of the Kremlin. As such, this thesis contributes to a growing corpus of research that emphasizes how Putin’s words are of importance.Show less
The European can be described as a geopolitical actor. This can be done by looking at the way the European Union has ‘deepened’ and ‘widened’ throughout its existence. The European Union has...Show moreThe European can be described as a geopolitical actor. This can be done by looking at the way the European Union has ‘deepened’ and ‘widened’ throughout its existence. The European Union has deepened itself through policies such as the Single European Act and the European Monetary Union. These are key examples of policies adopted by the European Union in order to advance collaboration between its member states. The widening of the European Union has happened through the enlargement of the Union throughout different stages. During these stages of enlargement more countries became members of the European Union. The European Neighbourhood Policy also belongs to the widening approach of the European Union. Through this policy, the European Union has found a way to gain more influence over states that are not a member of the Union. The deepening and widening of the European Union has been felt by the Russian Federation in a number of negative ways. As the European Union continued to deepen and widen, the Russian Federation felt its geopolitical power diminish. This feeling became particularly strong as the European Union began to establish closer ties with Ukraine. Increased activity by the European Union in the Russian near abroad gave the Federation a reason to stand its ground through military action. This was done by annexing Crimea.Show less
Sastrowijoto, Laurens Pepijn Henricus Helenius 2020
This thesis focuses on the different forms of Realism in the field of International Relations; Classical Realism, Neorealism and Neoclassical Realism. With Neoclassical Realism being the most...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the different forms of Realism in the field of International Relations; Classical Realism, Neorealism and Neoclassical Realism. With Neoclassical Realism being the most recent addition, researched is why and to what extent it may be more suitable to analyse Russia’s FP with a focus on Crimea’s annexation, compared to its predecessors.Show less
This thesis studies how the Russian leadership securitised the compatriots during the annexation of Crimea in 2014. To this end, the thesis delves into the historical precedents and the political...Show moreThis thesis studies how the Russian leadership securitised the compatriots during the annexation of Crimea in 2014. To this end, the thesis delves into the historical precedents and the political discourse that shaped the securitisation of the Russian-speaking diaspora in the former Soviet republics. Through primary sources, this thesis presents a deconstruction of the recurrent themes in the political discourse, the security apparatus as well as the securitisation process with the help of the securitisation theory. The analysis of the materials studied shows that the compatriots have become a geopolitical tool for Russia when several favourable circumstances align, which allow the Kremlin to overstep the rules of ordinary politics into the realm of extraordinary measures. The compatriots have become an important asset in Russian foreign policy and, by extension, a potential security threat since they are considered Russian citizens whose identity and rights must be protected even when they are outside of Russia.Show less
The annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took...Show moreThe annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took place after the so-called Ukrainian revolution, remains of significant interest to researchers who seek to understand why Russia undertook such an action. Such research is partially hindered by a lack of open access to documents and other sources related to the annexation. In that regard, this thesis is not exactly novel. It too seeks to understand why Russia annexed Crimea. In order to realize that goal, this research utilizes a methodology originating from the field of strategic culture analysis (SCA). This methodology, as originally formulated by Edward Lock, suggests that the researcher maps common ideas regarding strategic culture which can be derived from sources such as public statements, interviews and speeches. Following analysis, the researcher is then able to formulate how these common ideas might influence strategic behavior. Utilizing this approach results in findings which suggest that Russia’s annexation of Crimea was an opportunistic act, driven by external factors such as Russia’s distrust for the West and its fear for NATO, as well as its desire to hold a firm grip on Sevastopol’s naval base.Show less
