This thesis explores how the American media outlets, Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) News and The New York Times, have reported on Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. It specifically seeks to answer...Show moreThis thesis explores how the American media outlets, Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) News and The New York Times, have reported on Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. It specifically seeks to answer the research question: How have the CBS News and the New York Times media outlets represented the Orange Revolution to American readers between 2004 and 2006? The thesis argues that while these two American news outlets have introduced issues within Ukraine’s political system to their audience, both have mainly emphasized the Western position and perspective on the Orange Revolution. The US’ media perspectives of the Orange Revolution have been under-researched, which has decreased scholars’ understanding of Colour Revolutions as a whole. This is important to take into account because such post-Soviet demonstrations continue to take place, such as Kyrgyzstan’s Tulip Revolution. Hence, analysing and understanding the previous ones can help better predict when and where they can occur again in the future. Moreover, the US has attempted to represent itself as a peaceful, democratic country, which implies that countries which have Colour Revolutions would likely receive financial or political assistance from the former. The media can also construct narratives which could prompt other Western nations to assist in situations of political upheaval.Show less
Using a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory...Show moreUsing a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory either toward or away from democratic governance, and their propensity to terminate ongoing conflict against insurgent enemies. The study finds a negative and significant correlation between nonviolent conflict cessation and both democratisation and authoritarian consolidation. Disaggregating the data by regime type reveals that democracies and machine-type autocracies are less susceptible to this effect than either military and personalist regimes. Finally, further inspection of the data reveals that both regime type and a number of other variables act as proxies for regimes’ internal stability and the absence of intra-elite rivalry. The finding, consistent with much of the existing literature, is that intra-elite rivalry drives regimes and leaders to continue fighting, and diminishes the probability of negotiated settlement.Show less
During the 20th century many Latin American countries successfully fulfilled the transition to democracy process. Both Chile and Argentina democratised during the 20th century. However, the...Show moreDuring the 20th century many Latin American countries successfully fulfilled the transition to democracy process. Both Chile and Argentina democratised during the 20th century. However, the democracies that developed after the process differed. In Chile, Pinochet executed a lot of control over the transition to democracy, whereas in Argentina, Videla only slightly influenced the transition to democracy. In both countries a successful democracy was established with a different basis. Thus, the role of the dictator during the transition to democracy process is not clear-cut, and the development of democracy depends on many different factors, which are not always controllable.Show less
In the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in...Show moreIn the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in official terms, the country largely operates outside of accepted democratic values. The aim of this paper is therefore to find out to what extent Cambodia can be considered a democracy. Focussing on the indicators of democratisation and de-democratisation processes (breadth, equality, protection, and mutually binding consultation), it becomes clear that Cambodia has been experiencing a process of de-democratisation. At the same time, the ruling party managed to increase its state capacity. This has been a necessary tool for the party to stay in power. Acknowledging that high state capacity can contribute to democratisation processes, it is surprising that high state capacity and democratisation do not seem to go hand in hand in the Cambodian case. The form of state capacity is therefore an important aspect. Focussing on Cambodia, it soon becomes clear that the country deviates from the Western standard. Cambodian politics and economics are centred around patronage and neopatrimonialism. This has been the main reason why efforts towards democratisation have failed in Cambodia and why an authoritarian regime remains in power.Show less
The increase of ASEAN tasks and functions has risen to a point where human rights have become enshrined in a regional commission. How can this be explained considering the history of straight up...Show moreThe increase of ASEAN tasks and functions has risen to a point where human rights have become enshrined in a regional commission. How can this be explained considering the history of straight up human right abstinence and abuses throughout the history of the member states. I hypothesise in this thesis that the recent democratisation of regimes of ASEAN member states caused supranationalism in the form of the creation of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission for Human Rights. In order to consolidate the new democracy, regimes may pursuit locking them in into supranational institutions. This will prevent the democratic regime from falling back to authoritarian rule, since it’s citizens rights are protected by a higher authority, out of reach of the direct power of the regime. Results suggest this theory may hold validity in the ASEAN region where recently democratised states are more likely to support supranational institutions than the long term democracies or authoritarian states. This means change in direction and norms in ASEAN is the result of democratisation of member states that are using ASEAN as vehicle for domestic political goals.Show less
This is a transnational research on the way Dutch Catholic media perceived the Kulturkampf in Germany from 1880 to 1884. This dissertation examines two Dutch Catholic newspapers and one magazine to...Show moreThis is a transnational research on the way Dutch Catholic media perceived the Kulturkampf in Germany from 1880 to 1884. This dissertation examines two Dutch Catholic newspapers and one magazine to explain three things. Firstly, what the main motives of Dutch Catholic media were to report on German social struggles after 1880. Secondly, how the Milder-ungsgesetzen – that were intended to end this social struggle – influenced the content of the reports of Dutch Catholic media. Thirdly, to what extent the German social struggles were put in an international perspective by these media. The conclusion adds to the debate that ques-tions the nineteenth century as the ‘age of the nation state’.Show less
Op 11 mei 2013 ging Pakistan stemmen. De verwachtingen rond de verkiezingen waren hooggespannen. De nieuwe PTI-partij onder leiding van oud-professioneel cricketer Imram Khan veroorzaakte een...Show moreOp 11 mei 2013 ging Pakistan stemmen. De verwachtingen rond de verkiezingen waren hooggespannen. De nieuwe PTI-partij onder leiding van oud-professioneel cricketer Imram Khan veroorzaakte een frisse wind in de wat statistische Pakistaanse politieke arena, campagnes vonden plaats met een voor Pakistan ongekend enthousiasme en het vertrouwen van de kiezers in de stembusgang was bijzonder hoog. Hoewel de stembusgang gebukt ging onder een reeks van bloedige aanslagen bedroeg de opkomst meer dan 65%, een opmerkelijke prestatie in een land waar politiek lang slechts voorbehouden was aan de ‘the chosen few’. Het succes van de verkiezingen duidt op een significante ontwikkeling in Pakistan, waar na decennia lang autoritair bewind door het leger, democratie eindelijk grote delen van de bevolking lijkt te kunnen mobiliseren.Show less
In two periods since the early nineties, first under presidents Shevardnadze and then under president Saakashvili, democratic progress in Georgia stalled. For the Georgian case the explanatory...Show moreIn two periods since the early nineties, first under presidents Shevardnadze and then under president Saakashvili, democratic progress in Georgia stalled. For the Georgian case the explanatory merit of two theories that attempt to explain democratisation is assessed . Carothers’ revised transition paradigm better explains the stagnation of democratic progress in Georgia in the Shevardnadze era, while presidential power theory is better at explaining that stagnation in the period of Saakashvili's presidential terms.Show less
