This thesis is an analysis of the intersection of kinship politics and religion in the 20th century Philippines. It discusses their cultural influence and effects on the protests and revolution...Show moreThis thesis is an analysis of the intersection of kinship politics and religion in the 20th century Philippines. It discusses their cultural influence and effects on the protests and revolution against the Ferdinand Marcos dictatorship. A social history conducted through interviews of witnesses, activists, and Filipino immigrants is used to contextualize major events of the 1980s. The years 1981-1987 were chosen due to the historical importance of events such as the visit of Pope John Paul II, the assassination of opposition leader Ninoy Aquino, and the EDSA revolution which toppled the dictator.Show less
On July 25, 2021, President Kais Saied proclaimed a state of emergency in Tunisia, justifying this through an “extensive” reading of Article 80 of the constitution that enabled him to rule by...Show moreOn July 25, 2021, President Kais Saied proclaimed a state of emergency in Tunisia, justifying this through an “extensive” reading of Article 80 of the constitution that enabled him to rule by decree, to eliminate corruption. While condemned as a coup d’état by Saied’s political opponents – notably, those suspected by Saied to be corrupt – and by many western media, the decision was applauded by the majority of Tunisians. Strikingly, Zogby Research Services’ polls found that more than 70% of the surveyed Tunisians expressed they were “better off” before the so-called Arab Spring. What explains this apparent nostalgia? This thesis investigates what explains the nostalgia for pre-revolutionary Tunisia, focusing specifically on the urban middle class. It finds that there is nostalgia for some aspects of pre-revolutionary Tunisia, in terms of economic and personal security. However, despite negative perceptions of post-revolutionary politics, Tunisian urban middle class members are not nostalgic for the entire pre-revolutionary regime, as they value freedom of expression too much to go back to political repression. Thus, they are unhappy with the increasingly authoritarian turn Saied’s rule has taken.Show less
Authoritarian resilience, a concept mostly debated within the context of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region), describes the durability and strengths of authoritarian regimes in resisting...Show moreAuthoritarian resilience, a concept mostly debated within the context of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region), describes the durability and strengths of authoritarian regimes in resisting the pressure of democratisation. Both authoritarian consolidation, referring to the employment of authoritarian tactics by a regime to increase its stability, as well as the related sub-concept of authoritarian adaptation, meaning learning processes of a regime and respective adjustment of these authoritarian tactics in the wake of challenges to a regime, are crucial to the understanding of the debate on authoritarian resilience. Drawing on scholarship on this debate, most notably the theoretical conceptualisations by Göbel, who classified the tactics for authoritarian regime survival into despotic, infrastructural, and discursive powers, I develop a theoretical framework for regime consolidation in the wake of popular discontent and protest. Applying the framework to the case study of the authoritarian Al-Sisi regime in Egypt shows how the regime adapted its tactics to consolidate in the light of the challenges of popular discontent and protest and ultimately survived. This underscores the significance of the concept of authoritarian consolidation to authoritarian resilience. Furthermore, it substantiates how the skilful and well-integrated application of authoritarian adaptation contributes to authoritarian stability. Therefore, such an analysis provides a more comprehensive understanding of authoritarian regime dynamics and the concept of authoritarian resilience.Show less
This thesis discusses the effects of Tropicália music on its listener in the context of the military dictatorship in Brazil. The research begins with the analysis of existing literature on music...Show moreThis thesis discusses the effects of Tropicália music on its listener in the context of the military dictatorship in Brazil. The research begins with the analysis of existing literature on music produced by the Tropicália movement, followed by an in-depth discourse analysis of the lyrics of two selected Tropicália songs. The aim is to expose the functions that the music fulfilled at the time it was first published. The thesis then introduces alternative views on the music of the movement that have largely remained unexplored so far.Show less
The 11th of September, 1973 marked the beginning of an oppressive dictatorship in Chile, which lasted 17 years. Nowadays, the legacies of the dictatorship are still visible in Chilean society. This...Show moreThe 11th of September, 1973 marked the beginning of an oppressive dictatorship in Chile, which lasted 17 years. Nowadays, the legacies of the dictatorship are still visible in Chilean society. This thesis asks the question: To what extent was cultural trauma visible in the annual commemoration of the 1973 coup in Chile during the first presidency of Sebastián Piñera?Show less
In 1989, after 17 years of state terrorism and authoritarianism, Chile transitioned back to democracy. Since then, many scholars have studied and attempted to delegitimize Pinochet’s dictatorship...Show moreIn 1989, after 17 years of state terrorism and authoritarianism, Chile transitioned back to democracy. Since then, many scholars have studied and attempted to delegitimize Pinochet’s dictatorship by focusing on its excessive violence. Not only have they furthered the quasi-axiomatic incompatibility between legitimacy and violence, these scholars have also participated in the creation of an immense literature on Pinochet’s violent practices. Yet, in contrast, the literature explaining the longevity of the regime is disproportionately small. In light of this imbalance, this paper examines how violence allowed this authoritarian regime to be one of the longest and latest dictatorships in Latin America. The nature of violence must be reconsidered in an effort to uncover hidden perpetrators who contributed to the dictatorship’s longevity. To do so, Pinochet’s regime is analysed through a Weberian lens. That is, Weber’s three sources of leadership legitimacy: charisma, traditions and legality. This paper exposes the theoretical weaknesses of the conceptualization of legitimacy and of violence. As long as a theoretical shortcoming of these concepts exists, difficulties to evaluate, judge and react appropriately to authoritarianism in practice will persist. This will, in turn, come with additional pernicious effects such as political and social polarization in post-authoritarian societies.Show less
Spain’s democratic transition has served as a model of transition for many other countries of the third wave of democratization. However, despite the remarkable features of peacefulness and...Show moreSpain’s democratic transition has served as a model of transition for many other countries of the third wave of democratization. However, despite the remarkable features of peacefulness and rapidity of transforming from an authoritarian to a democratic state, the country abstained from a rupture with its old regime and from measures of transitional justice. In the center of Spain’s politics of continuity was the “Pact of Forgetting“ or pact of silence, an informal agreement amongst political parties in 1976 to silence the past of the Spanish Civil War and the dictatorship, in order to overcome historical cleavages and facilitate democratization. Nevertheless, since the 1990s, the pact of silence has been broken on several occasions by left political parties and increasingly come under pressure by civil society’s demands for justice. The 2000s were defined by two trends: an acceleration of left and societal demands for a recovery of historical memory and justice measures on the one hand, and conservative parties’ resistance in dealing with Spain’s past on the other hand. This thesis will examine the reasons for the disintegration of the pact of silence, with a particular focus on the “memory war” between left and right parties.Show less
This thesis will aim to provide an answer to whether Brazil’s economic autonomy was significantly enhanced under president Ernesto Geisel's new foreign policy spearhead: responsible pragmatism....Show moreThis thesis will aim to provide an answer to whether Brazil’s economic autonomy was significantly enhanced under president Ernesto Geisel's new foreign policy spearhead: responsible pragmatism. Drawing on Peter Evans’ theory of the relationship between economic development and classical dependency, this thesis argues that Brazil's new attitude did not represent a major breaking point in Brazil’s foreign policy, but managed to strengthen its bargaining power on the international theatre.Show less
How have the recent protest movements and widespread political discontent become prominent in contemporary Chile? This thesis attempts to illustrate how the 1980 constitution, that served to...Show moreHow have the recent protest movements and widespread political discontent become prominent in contemporary Chile? This thesis attempts to illustrate how the 1980 constitution, that served to protect the legacy of the dictatorship with a rigged voting system, has led to shortcomings in citizen participation. Consequently many Chilean citizens have chosen not to participate in the formal political sphere: expectations of a democratic, inclusive state have not been met. However, the student movements demonstrate how some citizens have adopted an alternative channel of participation. Aside from that, the concept of participative democracy, as interpreted in this thesis, will attempt to explain the cause of the current dissent, and hence why contemporary Chilean democracy is undergoing a crisis.Show less
In the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for...Show moreIn the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for globetrotting travelers, news of the harsh human rights violations in the capital and the border areas mostly goes unnoticed by many. The current humanitarian crisis is the result of a deep-rooted historical and cultural conflict pestering the two island nations ever since the arrival of the European conquistadores. The vast majority of subsequent Dominican and Haitian recorded history has been characterized by foreign domination, political turbulence and chaos-inflicting dictatorships. The native peoples of the Arawak and Taíno tribes were soon decimated by Spanish colonization and its coercive implications. Populated mainly by Spanish and French colonists and later African slaves, colonial era struggles and territory disputes have developed into nearly constant conflict between Dominican and Haitian governments. In recent years, they have culminated in a controversial Dominican Constitutional Court ruling essentially stripping citizenship from all immigrants born to undocumented parents since 1929. As a result, four generations of supposed illegal Haitian and Dominican-born Haitian immigrants are left in a worrisome legal limbo. Apart from transportation to the newly built “Welcome Centers” in the border areas, these stateless people are left in social isolation without any rights and have to fear forcible removals that take place on a constant and ongoing basis (Abiu Lopez n.p.). Amnesty International, the UN Human Rights Council and online petitions call for international intervention in stopping arbitrary deportation and racial profiling (Mathurin n.p.). More specifically, pressure is put on the U.S. government to employ its hegemonic influence to alleviate the tense political and social situation in its Caribbean backyard. Those requesting Washington’s support seem to forget its controversial role in a not so distant past. Mostly through political and economic relations, the White House has employed a vast array of foreign policy measures towards the Dominican Republic and Haiti. One of these was having the back of what may have been one of the most murderous dictators of the Americas. The U.S. both publicly and privately supported the Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo throughout the Eisenhower and Kennedy administration until 1961, who developed a nationalist idea of antihaitianismo: a policy of racial discrimination and prosecution towards black inhabitants. Vestiges of this institutionalization of anti-Haitian sentiment still remain in today’s Dominican political culture and greatly backfire on the humanitarian crisis at hand.Show less
