The already tense relationship between the EU and Russia has resulted in a geopolitical power race in cyberspace. Also, the development of the EU cyber diplomacy toolbox in 2017 already resulted in...Show moreThe already tense relationship between the EU and Russia has resulted in a geopolitical power race in cyberspace. Also, the development of the EU cyber diplomacy toolbox in 2017 already resulted in economic and diplomatic sanctions being imposed on Russia, further intensifying the relationship between two central powers in cyberspace and hinting at the use of a deterrence strategy by the EU. To further gain knowledge about the impact of the EU cyber diplomacy toolbox on Russia, this research aims to identify how the toolbox intents to functions against Russia. By doing so, the key characteristics of the deterrence strategy will function as the theoretical framework in this research, resulting into an overview of the key characteristics of the deterrence strategy. Furthermore, the purposes of the installation of the toolbox will be analysed. Likewise, with the use of case studies, the actual effects of the toolbox on Russia will be outlined to portray that the EU cyber diplomacy does intent to function as a method of a deterrence strategy against Russia.Show less
This thesis seeks to examine how the reliance of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) on the mutasaddi (governor) of the imperial harbour town of Surat differed between the governorship of Diânat...Show moreThis thesis seeks to examine how the reliance of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) on the mutasaddi (governor) of the imperial harbour town of Surat differed between the governorship of Diânat Khan (1699-1701) and the governorship of Haider Quli Khan (1716-1719). As the years surrounding the death of Emperor Aurangzeb in 1707 saw local mutasaddi strengthen their position, the VOC reconsidered its approach to problem-solving. The comparison between these two governorships makes it clear that the VOC displayed a clear preference for a local solution negotiated with the governor. During the governorship of Diânat Khan, reaching out to the emperor was still considered as an option. However, it was seen as a more expensive and less effective alternative that required support from local government officials to work. Two decades later during the governorship of Haider Quli Khan, the VOC made it clear that they had lost faith in the emperor’s authority within Surat. They relied more heavily on the governor than before for matters of security, trade and conflict-resolution. Examining these periods shows that the VOC dealt with a much wider range of officials than often assumed, preferred the efficiency of a deal with the governor over a deal with the emperor, and worked with local government to approach the emperor when local authority was not enough to solve an issue.Show less
British interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the...Show moreBritish interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the region are labelled as bilateral, and moving away from the traditionally colonial, imperial and Orientalist discourse first established with British interest in the region. This thesis examines British diplomatic attitudes towards the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, investigating the language from the mid-twentieth century to the early twenty-first in order to highlight and explain the subtleties of colonial and Orientalist mentality still noticeable in contemporary British diplomacy towards the country, and indeed, reflective of the wider MENA region. Show less
This thesis analyses the ideas that shaped the new generation of Chinese diplomats that came to power in the early 20th century, and links this to the Shandong Question and the Treaty of Versailles...Show moreThis thesis analyses the ideas that shaped the new generation of Chinese diplomats that came to power in the early 20th century, and links this to the Shandong Question and the Treaty of Versailles. It argues that the emerging nationalist sentiments, combined with the idea of Social Darwinism played a crucial role in China's behaviour at the Paris Peace Talks, because the diplomats were heavily influenced by these ideas.Show less
The role of a country like Greece which can guarantee these values is vital and should be underlined in this paper. Research will based on whether Greece has the institutional and foreign policy...Show moreThe role of a country like Greece which can guarantee these values is vital and should be underlined in this paper. Research will based on whether Greece has the institutional and foreign policy capacity and determination to further promote security and development standards within the area. Greece’s foreign policy making in the past has been often associated with the security agenda of the Balkans and this is also the key in examining the future as Greek administrations have been quite stable on their intentions regarding this region. The country’s geographic position on the edge of the Balkans underlines the significantly negative implications that instability may have on Greek security and internal unity. Therefore, officials in the Greek political ranks have been very cautious on on-going developments in the Balkans and thus they have been attempting to establish a further model of cooperation and détente within the Balkan regional context. In this sense, the majority of Greek administrations over the decades have perceived the Balkans as a chess board where Athens’ role is the one of the ‘Queen’Show less
