The Ottoman Empire grew increasingly accepting of European law of nations when it became clear that its survival was at stake. In a bid to appeal to their European counterparts, the Ottomans sought...Show moreThe Ottoman Empire grew increasingly accepting of European law of nations when it became clear that its survival was at stake. In a bid to appeal to their European counterparts, the Ottomans sought to reform their existing administrative practices and governmental institutions into a bureaucratic system based on the Western model. Inspired by the European state system, the Ottoman Empire broke its long and historical streak of militaristic statecraft in favor of changing its approach to foreign affairs.Show less
On the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told...Show moreOn the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told Palmerston that “a republican France was an aggressive and conquering France.” The memories of the French Revolutionary Wars and the subsequent Napoleonic Wars were still fresh in Europe. Had it not been a French Republic that had threatened the European Balance of Power, subduing the existing states and creating puppet states across the continent? A French Republic that had turned on its rightful king and deposed him before trying to subjugate the lawful order in Europe? The same Republic that had turned into an imperial power under the guidance of Napoleon the likes of which had not been seen since the days of Rome? The parallels to the events of 1789 had to have been frightening to the crowned heads of Europe and their governments. On the 24th, Frederick William IV of Prussia informed Victoria of Britain that he looked at France in fear of a new European war. In the newly formed nation of Belgium, the news of the new French Revolution was met with dread in governmental circles. In the Netherlands, the messages from the French capital of Paris were met with anticipation and uneasiness. When Tsar Nicholas heard of the news he reacted calmly, but immediately stated that Russia would march to war if any infractions were made on existing treaties. He also put a million more rubles at the disposal of the war ministry. Additionally, he wrote a letter to Victoria that a Russo-British union as discussed in 1844 may be needed to ensure stability in Europe. The general consensus at the time among the leaders of European nations was that war was inevitable. France was militarily, by virtue of its population, still one of the most powerful nations on the continent and if it would lead to war, it would mean untold destruction in a display that would appear to be a replica of the events that had happened a little over three decades ago. In the Low Countries, the subject of this thesis, the consequences of the Belgian Revolution of 1830 were still felt strongly. The Belgian Revolution had broken out after the July Revolution in Paris, that had seen the Orleanist take-over of France. It seemed likely that this new French Revolution, a Republican Revolution this time, would also move beyond the borders of France into the Low Countries and bring about another time of violence and war in Belgium and the Netherlands. Except history does not move in predictable patterns. Knowledge of the past does not make one a seer and although a war may have seemed inevitable, it was avoided nonetheless. The diplomatic crisis surrounding this new French Revolution however, is often downplayed in historical works, which have mostly focused on the spread of Revolution across the continent when discussing 1848. Yet, revolution and war were intrinsically linked at the time, especially if that revolution occurred in France. A Revolutionary France would mean a threat to European peace and the balance of power, but it was also a beacon for revolutionaries across the continent who felt supported by a Republican France that might come to their aid, militarily if need be. It may ultimately have been the case that no war in Europe erupted in 1848, but this does not mean that war had not loomed large over the governments of the Low Countries and Europe in general. A manifesto by the French Foreign minister of the Provisional Government Lamartine was sent to all the other courts of Europe one week after the initial Revolution in Paris. It had the intent of unlinking war and revolution (in France), because they were so intrinsically linked in the mind of the 19th century governments. The main objective of the manifesto was legitimising the rule of the Provisional Government and to make sure the reactionary powers would not see the new French Republic as an existential threat. The traumas of the French Revolutionary Wars were specifically addressed. If we consider Lamartine’s manifesto and the Belgian ambassador’s words, this parallel of revolution in France and war was very much on the minds of the contemporary players of the international game of diplomacy.Show less
In light of WTO trade rules that made it impossible for the EU to uphold its trade preference system with many least developed countries, among which are several (former) colonies of EU Member...Show moreIn light of WTO trade rules that made it impossible for the EU to uphold its trade preference system with many least developed countries, among which are several (former) colonies of EU Member States, the EU developed the ‘Everything But Arms’ trade preference program, unilaterally liberalizing trade with these countries. Currently, there are two criteria to benefit from the EBA scheme. Firstly, the country must be listed as a 'Least Developed Country' by the UN Committee for Development Policy, and secondly, these preferences can be withdrawn if the respective country ceases to adhere to fundamental human rights and certain labor rights. In light of Myanmar's violence against the Rohingya people in Rakhine State described by the UN as 'a textbook definition of ethnic cleansing,' the question over what factors determine the EU’s decision to keep Myanmar in the EBA program arise. This thesis unveils processes in the Council that led to adopting this particular foreign policy decision by systematically analyzing insights from EU policy documents and by interviewing EU representatives, answering the question as to why the EU chose to keep Myanmar in the EBA program.Show less
This thesis examines the functionality of early modern Amsterdam as a diplomatic city. (Entities in) The Hague nominally held the political and geographical prerogative to diplomatic relations in...Show moreThis thesis examines the functionality of early modern Amsterdam as a diplomatic city. (Entities in) The Hague nominally held the political and geographical prerogative to diplomatic relations in the Dutch Republic, but Amsterdam was a significant challenger to this position due to its economic and financial agency. Various aspects, such as Amsterdam's interfence with diplomatic policy, its contacts with Dutch envoys abroad and the diplomatic community within Amsterdam itself, are elucidated. In particular, it explores the functionality of lesser envoys, such as consuls and agents, and the way they integrated themselves into urban society.Show less
Migration has always been a significant issue in world politics, with the latest development in the so-called ‘Global Migration Crisis’ in 2015 increasing its salience. In 2016, the formulation of...Show moreMigration has always been a significant issue in world politics, with the latest development in the so-called ‘Global Migration Crisis’ in 2015 increasing its salience. In 2016, the formulation of Jordan Compact and the European Union (EU)-Turkey Deal made way for the emergence of a new category of diplomacy, the “Migration Diplomacy”. Even though the term is considered a recent one, international actors (especially states) have practised it from time to time in previous periods. For example, the establishment of Bracero Program that regulated Mexican migrant worker movement to the United States in 1942, or the enactment of “Operation Solomon” in which the Ethiopian Government gave permission to the Israeli Government to evacuate 14,000 Ethiopian Jews from Ethiopian territory, in exchange for arms and financial aid of $36 million from Israel. While there are already several studies done on Migration Diplomacy in America, Europe, and Africa, there are not yet extensive empirical studies regarding Migration Diplomacy in Asia, especially not in the Southeast Asia region. This thesis aims to provide an empirical example of Migration Diplomacy, through the perspective of recent developments in Indonesia since the 1970s. It looked into the change over time regarding the implementation of Migration Diplomacy and the factors that influenced it.Show less
British interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the...Show moreBritish interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the region are labelled as bilateral, and moving away from the traditionally colonial, imperial and Orientalist discourse first established with British interest in the region. This thesis examines British diplomatic attitudes towards the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, investigating the language from the mid-twentieth century to the early twenty-first in order to highlight and explain the subtleties of colonial and Orientalist mentality still noticeable in contemporary British diplomacy towards the country, and indeed, reflective of the wider MENA region. Show less
Between 1639 and 1854 was the Netherlands the only European country allowed to trade with Japan. After 1854, when Commodore Perry uses gunboat diplomacy to open diplomatic contact with Japan, the...Show moreBetween 1639 and 1854 was the Netherlands the only European country allowed to trade with Japan. After 1854, when Commodore Perry uses gunboat diplomacy to open diplomatic contact with Japan, the unique position of the Netherlands had changed drastically. Nonetheless, the Dutch government was not eager to give up its monopoly on Japan that easily. As a result, after Japan opened, the Dutch government can be observed undertaking many projects in Japan to convince the Japanese that unique relations with the Dutch were still in the Japanese interest. Especially in Nagasaki, where the Dutch had a trading post for since the 17th century, the Dutch undertook many projects and this started to shape the city going forward. This thesis examines how Dutch influence shaped three prominent sectors in Nagasaki throughout the nineteenth century; the rising military & industrial sectors and the declining trade sector in Nagasaki. The developments in these sectors are framed within wider Japanese history of that era and also the decline of Dutch influence in the nineteenth century. The conclusion of this thesis is that the Dutch still fulfilled a prominent position within Japanese, and then especially Nagasaki, after the years of the opening in 1854. The Dutch worked hard to introduce Japan with new military and industrial knowledge, while simulataneously aiming to include within a new trade network. The Dutch supplied new materials, worked as teacher and also worked as intermediaries with other Western nations. Eventually the Dutch could not keep up with other Western nations and by the 1870s most Dutch experts had disappeared from Japan. Nonetheless, by this time their influence had played a major role in Nagasaki. The basis had been laid for the rise of many factories in the city, the city had become a centre for military knowledge and trade had dwindled from the city. Byt the time the last of the Dutch experts left, Nagasaki had been set on a course to become a military-industrial complex, which would play an important part in the next century.Show less
In 1996, the Ottawa Declaration established the Arctic Council (AC) with eight states, all of which have territory in the Arctic. The AC is the leading intergovernmental forum in terms of...Show moreIn 1996, the Ottawa Declaration established the Arctic Council (AC) with eight states, all of which have territory in the Arctic. The AC is the leading intergovernmental forum in terms of sustainable development and environmental protection in the Arctic. This forum promotes cooperation, coordination, and interaction among the Arctic States and among Arctic indigenous communities. The Netherlands became an Observer in 1998, whereas China joined the AC in 2013. Both states are concerned about the impact of climate change in the Arctic region and the different kinds of consequences it may have for their state. Both states contribute to the AC with scientific knowledge, and they participate in several Working Groups. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) helps explore and understand the meaning of the role of the Netherlands and China as Observers, leading to an answer to how both states use science diplomacy (SD) as a strategic tool and potentially revealing hidden agendas in terms of the nature of their economic interest. Although CDA did not unfold hidden agendas of both states, what can be said is that probably both states are using SD as a strategic tool to shift attention away from their own (economic) incentives.Show less
Honduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras....Show moreHonduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras. The emergence of China, as an alternative trade partner, puts a strain on the responsiveness of Honduras to EU conditionality.Show less
This thesis analyses the ideas that shaped the new generation of Chinese diplomats that came to power in the early 20th century, and links this to the Shandong Question and the Treaty of Versailles...Show moreThis thesis analyses the ideas that shaped the new generation of Chinese diplomats that came to power in the early 20th century, and links this to the Shandong Question and the Treaty of Versailles. It argues that the emerging nationalist sentiments, combined with the idea of Social Darwinism played a crucial role in China's behaviour at the Paris Peace Talks, because the diplomats were heavily influenced by these ideas.Show less
Korean unification is a concept that seems impractical and unwanted by the Republic of Korea. Yet the government continues to purport its desire for it, primarily romanticising a reunited Korean...Show moreKorean unification is a concept that seems impractical and unwanted by the Republic of Korea. Yet the government continues to purport its desire for it, primarily romanticising a reunited Korean bloodline. This project analyses the reasons and causes for this continued use of ethnic nationalism and explore how it shapes the very meaning of unification. Primarily, it is a speech act incorporated into the larger foreign policy of the Republic of Korea, mobilised for self-promotion and achieving its own interests.Show less
Deze scriptie gaat over de diplomatie van Europese handelscompagnieën op het eiland Ceylon in de achttiende eeuw. Hij behandelt de Britse en Nederlandse reizen naar het hof van Kandy, waarvoor...Show moreDeze scriptie gaat over de diplomatie van Europese handelscompagnieën op het eiland Ceylon in de achttiende eeuw. Hij behandelt de Britse en Nederlandse reizen naar het hof van Kandy, waarvoor gebruik wordt gemaakt van vier uitgegeven Britse reisverslagen en vier Nederlandse VOC-bronnen uit het Nationaal Archief. Er wordt gekeken naar de overeenkomsten en verschillen in diplomatieke handelingen tussen de Britten en de Nederlanders aan het Kandische hof. De belangrijkste onderzochte hoftraditie was de prosternatie, oftewel de knielende eerbetuiging. Dit ritueel was bij de Europeanen niet populair, maar vormde een belangrijke vereiste om tot de Kandische vorst te worden toegelaten. Er wordt geconcludeerd dat de Britse gezanten zich nog veel traditie moesten leren kennen, terwijl de Nederlandse gezanten al meer ervaring hadden in de omgang met het hof. Om deze reden waren de Britse hofreizen aanzienlijk minder succesvol en bleef het Nederlands-Kandische bondgenootschap tot eind achttiende eeuw in stand.Show less
This thesis studies India's diplomatic relations with its western neighbours- namely- Pakistan and Afghanistan. In the context of increasing threats to its domestic and regional security, India has...Show moreThis thesis studies India's diplomatic relations with its western neighbours- namely- Pakistan and Afghanistan. In the context of increasing threats to its domestic and regional security, India has adopted a "soft power" approach in achieving its strategic interests. Through qualitative case selection, this thesis dwells into India's diplomatic approach especially through the study of water diplomacy in the case of Pakistan and public diplomacy in the case of Afghanistan. In this context, this thesis associate security concerns of the three countries with their national interests, particularly focusing on India. The underlying conclusion of this thesis is that while a hard power approach or use of coercion may serve as a base to further "soft power" approach, India needs to maintain a delicate balance between the two approaches for achieving regional stability and ensuring national security.Show less
The role of a country like Greece which can guarantee these values is vital and should be underlined in this paper. Research will based on whether Greece has the institutional and foreign policy...Show moreThe role of a country like Greece which can guarantee these values is vital and should be underlined in this paper. Research will based on whether Greece has the institutional and foreign policy capacity and determination to further promote security and development standards within the area. Greece’s foreign policy making in the past has been often associated with the security agenda of the Balkans and this is also the key in examining the future as Greek administrations have been quite stable on their intentions regarding this region. The country’s geographic position on the edge of the Balkans underlines the significantly negative implications that instability may have on Greek security and internal unity. Therefore, officials in the Greek political ranks have been very cautious on on-going developments in the Balkans and thus they have been attempting to establish a further model of cooperation and détente within the Balkan regional context. In this sense, the majority of Greek administrations over the decades have perceived the Balkans as a chess board where Athens’ role is the one of the ‘Queen’Show less
Centraal in deze scriptie staat de steun van de Verenigde Staten aan de Sovjet-Unie in eerste jaren van de oorlog. Hoe heeft de Lend-Lease kunnen ontstaan en was het een effectief middel in de...Show moreCentraal in deze scriptie staat de steun van de Verenigde Staten aan de Sovjet-Unie in eerste jaren van de oorlog. Hoe heeft de Lend-Lease kunnen ontstaan en was het een effectief middel in de strijd van de Sovjet-Unie tegen nazi-Duitsland tussen 1941 en 1943? Volgens Roosevelt was de steun aan de Sovjet-Unie essentieel voor de veiligheid van de Verenigde Staten. Om de hulp te organiseren werd in het najaar van 1941 de Harriman-Beaverbrook missie naar Moskou gestuurd, na drie dagen was alles vastgelegd in het eerste protocol. Ondanks dat er discussie was in de Verenigde Staten over waar de prioriteiten van het land moesten liggen, werd het protocol toch goedgekeurd door het congres; nu kon de Lend-Lease echt in gang worden gezet. De vele discussies en de initiële terughoudendheid van de Sovjet-Unie vertraagde het proces aanzienlijk, die betekend dat pas in 1942 de leveringen goed op gang zouden komen. Hoewel de Verenigde Staten en de Sovjet-Unie nu een formele samenwerking hadden, werd het werk van de Amerikaanse ambassade in Moskou niet makkelijker. De situatie werd niet geholpen door grote onrust in de relatie tussen het personeel van de Ambassade en het Witte Huis. Er werden grote offers gebracht om de beloofde hulp in de Sovjet-Unie te krijgen. Ondanks dat de hulp pas na de moeilijke periode de Sovjet-Unie bereikte heeft het toch een belangrijk aandeel gehad in de overwinning. De focus van de hulp ligt erg sterk op de logistiek, iets wat verwaarloosd was in de Sovjet-Unie doordat de prioriteit werd gelegd bij de productie van wapens. De moeilijkheden waren het grootst bij de verscheping naar de Sovjet-Unie, de beperkt beschikbare ruimte zorgde ervoor dat er soms moeilijke keuzes gemaakt moesten worden. Het kon hierdoor gebeuren dat goederen te laat in de Sovjet-Unie aankwamen om nog op hun originele bestemming gebruikt te worden. De onrust en onduidelijkheid binnen de Lend-Lease organisatie betekende vaak dat er niet goed gereageerd werd op veranderingen in de verzoeken. Hierdoor kon er minder effectief worden gereageerd op de verandering in de oorlogssituatie. De steun werd verpakt in de Lend-Lease. Onder deze afspraken werden veel goederen aan de Sovjet-Unie geleverd, de Sovjet-Unie was echter ook zelf in staat wapens te produceren. De steun heeft daardoor het meeste effect gehad in de ondersteunde diensten. Er moet wel opgemerkt worden dat de steun pas echt op gang kwam in de loop van 1942, dit betekende dat de steun pas echt effect begon te hebben toen het Rode Leger de Wehrmacht als het tegengehouden. De steun is daarom vooral van belang geweest in het terugdringen van de Duitse troepen en minder in de verdediging.Show less
