East Asia has been stuck in a political and historical struggle over the remembrance of World War 2, referred to mostly as the East Asian History Dilemma. Within this dilemma, different historical...Show moreEast Asia has been stuck in a political and historical struggle over the remembrance of World War 2, referred to mostly as the East Asian History Dilemma. Within this dilemma, different historical perspectives towards World War 2 between the East Asian nations and their World War 2 heritage play a central role. Performing a discourse analysis on the opening speeches of Japan's Annual Memorial Ceremony to Commemorate The War Dead, this thesis sheds light on the historical perspectives present in Japan towards World War 2.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Biodiversity is a transboundary issue that is subject to conceptualisation at different levels of environmental governance. The implementation of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) is...Show moreBiodiversity is a transboundary issue that is subject to conceptualisation at different levels of environmental governance. The implementation of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) is dependent on such conceptualisations, especially on national and regional levels. This thesis analyses national and regional dynamics that influence the interpretation and implementation of internationally determined CBD concepts. In order to study this, the research follows a critical discourse analysis methodology in addition to a stakeholder analysis. It included the effect of regional and national power relations on the conceptualisation of CBD concepts. Four court cases taking place in different countries across the globe were selected to include differentiating national and regional contexts. The findings of the analysis show that power relations among the involved stakeholders affect the way CBD concepts are framed and interpreted. The findings reveal that community stakeholders emphasised discourses that were the most oriented towards biodiversity conservation. This thesis stresses the importance of understanding where the discrepancies lie between nationally determined concepts and national and regional interpretations of them. This is of importance to the effective implementation of the CBD.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is certainly not the first instance in which humor emerged as a by-product of political turmoil. In times of extreme societal change, people must adapt physically and...Show moreRussia’s invasion of Ukraine is certainly not the first instance in which humor emerged as a by-product of political turmoil. In times of extreme societal change, people must adapt physically and mentally to survive. Yet, because these adjustments are not immediate, one reaction that can help people acclimate to new circumstances is humor. In answering the research question “What were the functions of digital Ukrainian humor in the first year of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine?”, this thesis finds that coping, cohesion, and criticism have emerged in as humor’s primary uses. Specifically, humor functions to create a buffer between old and new realities, define in- and out-groups, and form a medium for commentary. Yet, beyond this, through thematic discourse analysis, the thesis at hand also identifies the sub-categories of humor functions which help explain the means through which humor can meet the stress-relieving, superiority-affirming, or incongruity-resolving needs of groups and individuals in political turmoil. In turn, the thesis reaffirms that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine could be labeled a ‘TikTok War’, as the social media became the primary platform for the sharing of Ukrainian humor. In studying visual data, the research contributes to spotlighting the integral role of images as tools of political influence in the digital age and as artifacts the study of which enhances scholars’ holistic understanding of the ramifications of Russia’s invasion. With these findings, humor can be appreciated as a highly nuanced and conscious part of Ukrainian resistance and social resilience.Show less
Few policy areas are as closely guarded by the member states of the European Union as their foreign policy. This is visible on the EU-level, in the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its...Show moreFew policy areas are as closely guarded by the member states of the European Union as their foreign policy. This is visible on the EU-level, in the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its individual policies, as the CFSP is considered to be a salient example of intergovernmentalism’s hold on aspects of EU policy-making. However, there have been some examples of small states influencing EU foreign policy. Malta is a relevant object for this study, as it is undoubtedly a small state. This makes it an interesting case study, as it, nonetheless, has clearly defined interests in the Southern neighbourhood. The Southern neighbourhood aspect of the ENP has itself been an under researched area in recent years, as it is widely considered a failed policy, and the interest of EU-scholars has largely shifted away from the Southern neighbourhood to the Eastern neighbourhood, where the threats to the EU, and its influence on the ‘ring of friends’ it aims to create, seem more pressing. Has Malta, despite its status as a small state, and the current general disinterest in the Southern neighbourhood, managed to capture EU policy-makers’ attention and successfully Europeanised its domestic foreign policy preferences? Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, which traces frames and discursive constructions across the domestic level, to the European level, before concluding with a comparative analysis of two EU foreign policy documents, this study demonstrates that Maltese policy preferences were uploaded to the level of EU foreign policy, more specifically, the ENP's Southern Neighbourhood component.Show less
The terrorist attacks of Halle (2019) and Hanau (2020) are two examples of recent killings inspired by right-wing extremism in Germany. The manifestos written by the two shooters show significant...Show moreThe terrorist attacks of Halle (2019) and Hanau (2020) are two examples of recent killings inspired by right-wing extremism in Germany. The manifestos written by the two shooters show significant differences in ideology, both through their style and their content. This paper explores to what extent these differences can be reconciled under the same concept of far-right ideologies. This research project, based on grounded theory, consisted of a discourse analysis applied on both manifestos. The two manifestos, selected in accordance with theoretical sampling, were coded in three steps, following the Charmaz approach to grounded theory. The manifestos mainly exhibited, to significantly different extents, four principal aspects: a) conspiracy theories, b) the construction of a nationalist identity and antagonization of ‘internal’ enemies, c) the stigmatization and targeting of groups due to ethnic or religious differences, and d) the interrelatedness of right-wing extremist ideologies and various subcultures, mostly stemming from the internet. All four of these aspects have been documented in other pieces of right-wing extremist writings, showing the difficulty of clearly delimiting the concept of right-wing extremism or even more precise movements contained within it.Show less
In 2020, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda celebrated its 20th anniversary. But amidst a global pushback on women´s rights and the continuation of violence and conflict, the realization of...Show moreIn 2020, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda celebrated its 20th anniversary. But amidst a global pushback on women´s rights and the continuation of violence and conflict, the realization of the agenda seems a far dream. In Yemen, women played leading roles in the 2011 uprising and the National Dialogue Conference in 2013-2014. Yet, they have increasingly been excluded from Yemen’s political processes and peace efforts. This thesis centers the voices of five Yemeni women, who briefed the United Nations Security Council on the situation in Yemen between 2017 and 2020. Using a postcolonial feminist lens, this thesis investigates how the statements of these women activists and those of the United Kingdom and the United States of America in UN Security Council meetings on Yemen compare, and how these discourses in turn relate to the Women, Peace and Security agenda. In particular, by building on the analytical framework of Laura Shepherd (2008), the thesis analyzes the conceptualizations of gender, security, violence and the international sphere in the discourse. This dissertation argues that – despite their commitments to the WPS agenda – the UK and the US fail to take into account the gendered dimensions of the conflict in Yemen and to recognize the intersectional security threats women in Yemen face. As both states largely fail to engage with the opinions and recommendations of Women Civil Society Briefers from Yemen, they also fall short in reflecting on their own contributions to the continuing conflict in Yemen.Show less
This thesis aims to critically analyse how power relations in victimhood discourse have changed within the framework of five decades of Colombian armed conflict and how this affected the discourse...Show moreThis thesis aims to critically analyse how power relations in victimhood discourse have changed within the framework of five decades of Colombian armed conflict and how this affected the discourse of child soldiers. By analysing two case studies, the El Caguán – and the Havana peace process, this thesis aims to answer the main research question: How did power relations behind the victim change due the implementation of transitional justice during the Colombian peace processes and how has this affected demobilised child soldiers? Critical discourse analysis is used to understand which power relations determine the recognition of the victim, which will also provide an understanding of how victims and especially child soldiers have been referred to throughout the armed conflict. This thesis aims to contribute to studies of childhood, studies of transitional justice and the implementation of such justice regarding former child soldiers and victims of war conflicts.Show less
It is well acknowledged, both in academia and media, that the United States is highly pessimistic of China’s increased presence in international affairs. Often, this Sino-pessimism is expressed...Show moreIt is well acknowledged, both in academia and media, that the United States is highly pessimistic of China’s increased presence in international affairs. Often, this Sino-pessimism is expressed through US political discourse on Sino-African relations. However, upon closer examination, the US, starting in the second Bush-era, began from a point of reserved optimism in regard to Sino-African relations. This reveals that the notion that the US has remained static in its negative portrayal of Sino-African relations is inaccurate. This study will examine how the US political discourse surrounding Sino-African relations has evolved through the Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations, and more importantly why this evolution has occurred. Using critical discourse analysis, this study examines US elite political discourse to reveal themes and unquestioned assumptions prevalent in the US portrayal of Sino-African relations. This study finds that the discourse used by each of these administrations reveals more about the US than it does about the Sino-African relationship. The Bush administration showed excessive optimism that manifested through coercive liberalism and believed that the Chinese would model their engagement with Africa on US engagement and become an ally in liberalising Africa. The Obama administration attempted to rehabilitate the international image of the US through grand rhetoric and international liberalism, while positioning China as the illiberal ‘other’ that was a threat to African freedom and dignity. The Trump administration represents a shift to realism, spouting Sinophobia in Africa while spouting anti-Africa rhetoric in the United States, with a stated aim of upsetting the liberal order to unclear ends. By tracking change over time, the US discourse reveals more about how the US was attempting to project its self-image at the time than it does about Sino-African relations.Show less
As the involvement of regional organizations in peacekeeping has significantly grown over the past decades, the relationship of these organizations with the United Nations has been reconfigured....Show moreAs the involvement of regional organizations in peacekeeping has significantly grown over the past decades, the relationship of these organizations with the United Nations has been reconfigured. This is particularly the case for the African Union and the UN, that set up their first peacekeeping mission with joint ownership in 2007 with UNAMID, the UN-AU hybrid mission in Darfur. The UN-AU relationship is not only determined by global-regional power relations, also postcolonial power relations play a role. As a result of these power relations, the AU is often perceived as being rather agency- and powerless. This thesis will counter this narrative, by studying the way in which the AU exercised agency over the set-up of UNAMID. It finds that while the AU was constrained by material capacity and the influence of powerful actors, it was still able to exercise agency and have influence on the UN, by using discursive strategies and the contestation of norms. Following these findings, this thesis advocates for a decolonial shift in the understanding of the AU that makes space for African agency and African contributions in international affairs, particularly, but not only, in peace and security matters.Show less
A continent that is continually viewed as a victim from its history of marginalization and exploitation, African states struggle for their place in international relations. Africa is hardly studied...Show moreA continent that is continually viewed as a victim from its history of marginalization and exploitation, African states struggle for their place in international relations. Africa is hardly studied on its role and impact on exogenous actors and relations. Consequently, it is therefore simple to view Africa as the hopeless continent as it is primarily studied on its history of exploitation. However, African states have been amongst the first to declare themselves nuclear free zones, they drove the global campaign to end apartheid and much more (Van Wyk, 2015, 108). What is more is how African states have exerted agency in international relations. The use of unusual tactics like utilizing a victim discourse that has been prescribed to them to their advantage.Show less
British interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the...Show moreBritish interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the region are labelled as bilateral, and moving away from the traditionally colonial, imperial and Orientalist discourse first established with British interest in the region. This thesis examines British diplomatic attitudes towards the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, investigating the language from the mid-twentieth century to the early twenty-first in order to highlight and explain the subtleties of colonial and Orientalist mentality still noticeable in contemporary British diplomacy towards the country, and indeed, reflective of the wider MENA region. Show less
Hong Kong have seen several large protests since the handover in 1997. These protests seems to have been emerged out of a growing discontent with the meddling of China in to its affairs. Hong Kong...Show moreHong Kong have seen several large protests since the handover in 1997. These protests seems to have been emerged out of a growing discontent with the meddling of China in to its affairs. Hong Kong is a "Special Administrative Region" of China, it operates under the "One Country Two System" principle, which means it has its own government and can govern itself. Currently Hong Kong has once again been affected by ongoing anti-government demonstrations for over half a year. It seems that the protest also indicates a growing concern for the stipulated principle of “One Country Two Systems”. This paper will try to answer the question: Why do a large group of people in Hong Kong perceive the principle of “One Country Two Systems” as problematic? It will do so by conducting a discourse and thematic analysis on the slogans used in this protest. It is suggested that the slogans show a unique Hong Kong identity that can in part cause implications for the current principle of “One Country Two Systems”Show less
