Populist leaders seem to rely on misinformation, fake news, and conspiracies to expand their power and keep their followers engaged and drown out condemnation from any opponents (Bergman, 2020;...Show morePopulist leaders seem to rely on misinformation, fake news, and conspiracies to expand their power and keep their followers engaged and drown out condemnation from any opponents (Bergman, 2020; Tucker et al 2017). There has been an established relationship between populism and conspiracies, but the literature is still learning exactly in which ways conspiracy theories are used by populist (Taggart, 2018). This thesis conducts a discourse analysis of two controversial American politics to determine in which ways they use conspiracies. It shows populists will utilize conspiracies if they have a disparaging relationship with nonpartisan experts. Once they decide to use conspiracies, they are able to do so to explain why ‘the people’ are not a majority, yet their will should still be considered absolute. And lastly, they are able to limit the amount of information sources they advocate to their followers, potentially isolating voters from truth or criticism.Show less
Sports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side...Show moreSports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side and improve their image. Recently, it led to a countermovement in which domestic and international calls for boycotts are heard more frequently. This thesis examines the motives of athletes, civil actors, international sporting organisations, international organisations and countries behind these calls. Political scientists often use Doxey’s approach to find the underlying rationale for boycotts. She describes eight different motives to call for a boycott. Only a limited number of scholars have studied sports boycotts in general since they mainly focus on a specific case and link this to a general theory (inductive reasoning). Studying the motives behind a call for a boycott deductively by applying Doxey’s model has not been done before. The study modifies economic models by differentiating six possible motives to call for a boycott, namely punishment, destabilisation, solidarity, symbolism, delegitimisation and signalling. All cases are studied via a discourse analysis in which the language of articles comes from six English-speaking news platforms with a global reach is checked for keywords and context. This thesis finds that although there is no single motive for all boycotts, ‘easy’ boycotts without a political layer are likely to be driven by policy change or punishment, whereas more political boycotts are in most cases motivated by solidarity and delegitimising. However, sports boycotts have an intermediate effect and are therefore very effective as a response to unexpected events.Show less
Donald Trump has frequently been labelled an idiosyncratic aberration and has equally been accused of breaking with American foreign policy tradition. However, by applying the foreign policy...Show moreDonald Trump has frequently been labelled an idiosyncratic aberration and has equally been accused of breaking with American foreign policy tradition. However, by applying the foreign policy traditions uncovered by Mead (Wilsonianism, Hamiltonianism, Jeffersonianism and Jacksonianism), scholars began arguing that Trump was perfectly traditional because he adhered to one or more of these historic traditions. Simultaneously, scholars argued that Trump rejected the myth of American exceptionalism that informs said traditions. This begs the question of how one can be traditional, yet also reject their foundational myth. Scholars had failed to consider these two facets in tandem, and had only focussed on Trump’s campaign and early presidency therefore failing to provide a prudent analysis of Trump’s entire foreign policy. This thesis aimed to rectified both by asking the following question: how has Trump’s re-interpretation of American exceptionalism influenced the utilisation of the dominant traditions in American foreign policy in his foreign policy discourse? Through the use of a critical geopolitical analysis, it was uncovered that Trump redefined American exceptionalism to an conditional state of objective greatness that only he could achieve and maintain, rather than an inherent trait. This allowed him to argue that his predecessors had made America unexceptional, stirring feelings of betrayal that he could then mobilise for his own political gain. This demagogic ‘exceptional me 2.0’ strategy shaped his application of all the four traditions wherein he blames Wilsonianism for American decline and aims to rally disappointed Hamiltonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians against them in order to effectuate a great reset of American foreign policy and domestic politics.Show less
In the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for...Show moreIn the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for financial aid. On the one hand, Chinese influence is associated with economic development in the country. On the other hand, this influence is associated with violations of human rights and sustainable negligence. Therefore, this paper answers the question, ‘’why do English-language Cambodian newspapers differ in expressing their views towards the Sino-Cambodian relationship?’’. As such, this paper demonstrates the interplay between the Cambodian political economy, media ownership and the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in English-language Cambodian newspapers. This paper examines articles from three different newspapers and deploys a discourse analysis as a tool for understanding. Linking the findings to the context, this study demonstrates how a critical tone and a lack of emphasis on Cambodian reciprocity in the Sino-Cambodian relationship can affect ownership of a newspaper and how this has consequences for the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in the articles published.Show less
As Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage...Show moreAs Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage between the Chinese princess Wencheng and the Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo is commonly known in China and employed by the Chinese government to legitimize their modern rule over Tibet. This study uses Critical Discourse Analysis to research a theater play of this story, and the presence of this story in Tibet’s many tourist sites. The results of the analysis reveal a process that shows how state-directed stories could become commonly regarded as ‘true’, with tourism as the primary vehicle to advance such a process. I argue that such a process can be found in other cases as well, and is not unique to the story of princess Wencheng.Show less
The paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with...Show moreThe paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with Asian Christians during the Rebellion. The paper makes use of the Dagregisters of Hirado as primary sources to examine the changes in the used discourse. The paper shows that the changes in the discourse created a narrative that was best suited for the situation. The changes also show the difficulty the VOC had in positioning itself during the conflict. On the one hand, the Asian Christians were Catholic enemies, but on the other hand they were fellow Christians fighting non-Christians. The most distinct discourse change happened after the VOC offered its assistance in stopping the rebellion. After which the VOC completely removes the Christian element of the rebellion in their texts, while they had first focused on it.Show less
The thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and...Show moreThe thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and implementation of the concept in women NGOs in Peru, making inferences about the incoherence surrounding the conceptualization and use of the notion. It furthermore provides a broad analysis about the evolution of the concept of women’s empowerment at different levels and the performative effect of the discourse as part of the North-South development cooperation in Latin America, especially in the Andes region. The author presents certainly a necessary reflection about the asymmetrical perceptions on social development.Show less
This thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for...Show moreThis thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for the West from local realities in Yaounde, Cameroon. It also aims to prove that the socio-cultural and economic situations of women in local communities are different from those in the West thereby, putting them at crossroads of climate footprint assessment and implementation. Theoretical underpinnings applied in this study indicate the different perspectives on the complex climate change issue, the transformations of climate discourse within given paradigms and the peculiar climate messaging and communication of the World Sustainability Fund (WSF). The three-pronged-methodology: critical discourse analysis, interview and audio/film, observation and photo used to gather data for this thesis aim at assessing the neoliberal individualistic modelling of WSF’s climate footprints and how this works elsewhere. This approach facilitates the communication of both the implicit and explicit experiences of the research/participants as they occur in their real live situations. Results of this study reveal that although climate impact assessment tools such as footprints could be designed with good intensions, they could equally be regarded as dangerous neoliberal power tools that ignore local sociocultural/economic realities elsewhere. The language functions of picture/text and talk around WSF’s climate footprint production rather represent broader sociocultural/political structures as exemplified in the colonial trait of its Sustainable Solutions. This study, conducted at WSF, The Hague and on three women in Yaounde, Cameroon is only a tip of the iceberg. It therefore serves as an opening for more research regarding women as actors in climate issues and the decolonisation of the climate change phenomenon. Key words: Climate change, discourse, footprints, the women, World Sustainability Fund (WSF)Show less
Since January 2013, Xi Jinping has launched a sustained high profile anti-corruption campaign that has targeted Tigers (senior officials) and Flies (rank and file cadres). The thesis uses both...Show moreSince January 2013, Xi Jinping has launched a sustained high profile anti-corruption campaign that has targeted Tigers (senior officials) and Flies (rank and file cadres). The thesis uses both quantitative and qualitative methods to look at the ways in which corruption is defined and explained in state media discourse. As the anti-corruption drive is aimed at Party members, the media on corruption is directly involved in the process of delegitimation of a portion of its members. Within this process, the Party launched a public relations campaign in order to counter the impact of the exposure of corruption cases at all levels of the Party and the government body, in order to re-legitimise the political authority of the Party. The thesis analyses a total of 145 corruption articles on Xinhua News from the years 2013-2016. It shows how the Party legitimises itself in four stages: the first and second, legitimating Xi Jinping as the moral authority and the CDIC as the “enforcer” of legitimate behaviour; the third stage, delegitimizing a portion of the Party as immoral through interlacing corruption narratives with discourses on moral values and public welfare; and the fourth, legitimation of the Party and the political system, through a comparison with corruption in other countries.Show less
Why are there so many and such varied discourses about Tibet? Why do the statements about Tibet made by American, Chinese, and foreign organizations often appear to be quite different from and...Show moreWhy are there so many and such varied discourses about Tibet? Why do the statements about Tibet made by American, Chinese, and foreign organizations often appear to be quite different from and sometimes in contradiction to each other? This research focuses on how Tibet has been framed by different parties in their discourse. It examines how these parties discuss and portray Old Tibet (prior to the Chinese invasion) and Contemporary Tibet. With regard to Old Tibet I consider how Orientalist ideas have influenced and shaped the discourse on Tibet; with regard to Contemporary Tibet, two processes which influence the discourse on Tibet are discussed, namely, the commodification and the politicization of Tibet.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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Hong Kong, a former British colony and now Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, has a long standing tradition of well networked political protest. Particularly the pro...Show moreHong Kong, a former British colony and now Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, has a long standing tradition of well networked political protest. Particularly the pro-democracy movement had gathered wide ranging public support in the years following the 1997 handover. In recent years this movement and the spectrum of the political opposition split and diversified. This thesis argues that the responsibilities and the question of leadership in the activist network of Hong Kong are contested and that existing hierarchies complicate protest action. This became particularly visible during the 2014 'Umbrella Movement'. Based on this example this thesis takes on the question whether contemporary pluralist networks can overcome power hierarchies. Through an analysis of original interviews with activists from the 'Umbrella Movement' the contesting narratives of leadership in the movement are explored and mapped. This helps to understand how the activists position others and themselves within a broader network, and shows how existing hierarchies affect the image of leadership in the network. The analysis also highlights other factors that influence the activists' understanding of power. Eventually it is shown that a number of leaders existed in the movement, which processes were perceived as complication for equal participation opportunities for all activists, and that hierarchies were neither absent nor static.Show less
This thesis seeks to analyse the official discourse by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on the Rogun Dam issue with a constructivist approach in order to find out whether the discourse invokes conflict...Show moreThis thesis seeks to analyse the official discourse by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on the Rogun Dam issue with a constructivist approach in order to find out whether the discourse invokes conflict rhetoric. It analyses official statements from 2012 to 2015. The Rogun Dam project is a hydropower project that was developed during Soviet times, but its construction was halted when the Soviet Union collapsed. Recently, the Tajik government announced its desire to resume the construction of the Rogun Dam in order to generate hydropower for economic purposes. Uzbekistan, as a riparian of the water flowing from Tajikistan, fiercely objected the construction plans. Therefore, the World Bank was asked to undertake feasibility studies on the hydropower project. As the feasibility studies proceeded, Uzbekistan appeared to seek different ways to oppose the construction of the Rogun Dam. In 2012, both Tajikistan and Uzbekistan appeared to be offensive towards each other in their official statements when mentioning the Rogun Dam. Over the course of time researched, tones towards each other softened. Both countries were also able to improve their bilateral relations on other issues than the Rogun Dam at the end of the period researched. Therefore, this thesis concludes that the official discourse on the Rogun Dam by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan does not invoke conflict rhetoric.Show less
This thesis examines the use of the word 'Londongrad' in four British national newspapers and draws extensively upon the approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) outlined by Richardson [2007]....Show moreThis thesis examines the use of the word 'Londongrad' in four British national newspapers and draws extensively upon the approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) outlined by Richardson [2007]. The study compares the use of 'Londongrad' in a sample of articles from two time periods: 2005-8 and 2011-14, defining how it is used and how its use has changed over time, with reference to wider social, political and cultural contexts. Results indicate that 'Londongrad' is particularly prevalent in the right-wing press, and that its use has become more prominent over time. The thesis puts forward the argument that 'Londongrad' lacks concrete definition but carries implicit meaning that allows for the reinforcement of negative stereotypes with regard to Russian activity in the UK. In highlighting this, the intention is to draw attention to the way in which patterns of discourse can encode prejudice.Show less
This thesis investigates the authorship of the Dutch Beke continuation (written ca. 1420-1432). The chronicle is studied within the historical culture of the Low Countries and specifically the...Show moreThis thesis investigates the authorship of the Dutch Beke continuation (written ca. 1420-1432). The chronicle is studied within the historical culture of the Low Countries and specifically the episcopacy of Utrecht during the first half of the fifteenth century. Through the discourse the author displays, it is argued that he was working for the city council of Utrecht.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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In 2011 an unprecedented wave of protests erupted from Tunisia and soon spread throughout the Arab World. While the initial euphoria was backed by the revolutions in Tunis and Cairo, the course of...Show moreIn 2011 an unprecedented wave of protests erupted from Tunisia and soon spread throughout the Arab World. While the initial euphoria was backed by the revolutions in Tunis and Cairo, the course of events in Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and ultimately Syria began to highlight that a romantic view of revolutions seems out of place. The two kingdoms of Jordan and Morocco have also witnessed significant protests in 2011 especially. However, these did not lead to a revolution – in fact, this was not their goal. The vast majority of those rallying in the streets demanded reforms of Jordan's and Morocco's political institutions, including the parliament, the electoral law and the constitution. This development, combined with the resilience of the Gulf monarchies (with Bahrain as a critical case), has once again brought the monarchy debate back into the limelight. The major underlying question here is does monarchy matter? Facing protests, both Abdullah II and Muhammad VI responded by reforming institutions. In Jordan, the constitution was amended and elections were held. In Morocco, the people could decide on a new constitution by means of a referendum and early elections were held. While ostensibly giving in to the demands of the protesters, these changes did not challenge the status quo but left Abdullah II and Muhammad VI with their almost omnipotent power. From a theoretical perspective this seems particularly interesting. Different approaches, stressing the impact of rentierism, foreign support or family participation, have attempted to explain the survival of monarchies in the Arab World over the past decades. The euphoria of the 'third wave of democratization' (Huntington) and the 'end of history' (Fukuyama) then transcended into scholarly publications during the 1990s, fostering the idea of institutions, once in place, contributing to a gradual process of democratization. During the second half of the 2000s scholars then began to realize that such effects failed to materialize in many cases. In fact, incumbents seemed to have employed democratic rhetoric and (re-)installed parliaments as well as elections while at the same time limiting their power and impact. In Jordan and Morocco these institutions also included another crucial function to Abdullah II and Muhammad VI respectively: they provided an intermediary level between king and people that can be criticized. In order to underpin this analysis, several primary sources for selected key dates since 2011 were taken into account besides the secondary literature. For Jordan, speeches of Abdullah II were considered as well as the text of the constitution, seeing that the latter was subject to change in 2011. Moreover, the coverage of the pro-monarchy newspaper Al-Dustour, the independent Ammon News and the country's main political opposition, the Islamic Action Front IAF, was analyzed. In a similar fashion, the statements of Muhammad VI and the kingdom's constitution were looked at for Morocco. Furthermore, the pro-monarchy newspaper Al-Sabah and the independent Al-Masa' were part of the analysis as well as Morocco's Islamist political opposition party, the Parti de la Justice et du Développement PJD, and the 20 February Movement, a youth group that was founded in early 2011. As the analysis suggests, the discourse about changes in the political system that erupted again in 2011 was almost entirely directed at reforming political institutions. Across the board official statements, pro-monarchy newspapers, but also independent and oppositional groups, made use of a technical language that focused on reforming the parliament, the electoral law or the constitution. These actors also approved the changes made respectively, seeing a solution and a step forward in them. Here, only little demands for a continued reform were raised. All these actors seemed to operate within the boundaries defined by the palace. The example of the 20 February Movement in Morocco stressed how deviating from this public reform discourse can result in selective repression and crackdown. The monarchies Jordan and Morocco have dodged the Arab Spring by allowing and engaging in institutional reforms. Although constitutions were amended or changed and elections were held the power balance has not changed. Accordingly, these institutions have helped Abdullah II and Muhammad VI to maintain their hold onto power rather than lowering it. Such an understanding of political institutions challenges the idea of them ultimately bringing about democratic change. Moreover, with regards to the monarchy debate the findings suggest that such a political setup, in which institutions serve as intermediary between king and people, allows the kings to remain seemingly distant from daily politics. It appears more difficult for presidents or prime minister, as heads of states in republics, to act in a similar fashion as they are by definition presiding the government.Show less
