In the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for...Show moreIn the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for financial aid. On the one hand, Chinese influence is associated with economic development in the country. On the other hand, this influence is associated with violations of human rights and sustainable negligence. Therefore, this paper answers the question, ‘’why do English-language Cambodian newspapers differ in expressing their views towards the Sino-Cambodian relationship?’’. As such, this paper demonstrates the interplay between the Cambodian political economy, media ownership and the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in English-language Cambodian newspapers. This paper examines articles from three different newspapers and deploys a discourse analysis as a tool for understanding. Linking the findings to the context, this study demonstrates how a critical tone and a lack of emphasis on Cambodian reciprocity in the Sino-Cambodian relationship can affect ownership of a newspaper and how this has consequences for the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in the articles published.Show less
As Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage...Show moreAs Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage between the Chinese princess Wencheng and the Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo is commonly known in China and employed by the Chinese government to legitimize their modern rule over Tibet. This study uses Critical Discourse Analysis to research a theater play of this story, and the presence of this story in Tibet’s many tourist sites. The results of the analysis reveal a process that shows how state-directed stories could become commonly regarded as ‘true’, with tourism as the primary vehicle to advance such a process. I argue that such a process can be found in other cases as well, and is not unique to the story of princess Wencheng.Show less
This thesis focuses on the representation of ethnic minorities in official images in the People's Republic of China (PRC) during Mao's chairmanship (1949-1976) and 2018-2019. Representation of...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the representation of ethnic minorities in official images in the People's Republic of China (PRC) during Mao's chairmanship (1949-1976) and 2018-2019. Representation of ethnic minorities in the PRC has been researched before, but most of this research was focused on solely one time period. By studying two different time periods, the development of the representation through time is made visible which can provide insights regarding future development. Since the PRC's government controls almost all information outlets within the country, the analyzed images (propaganda posters and newspaper images) representing Chinese ethnic minorities therefore reflect the government's official discourse of these people. The results of this research show that the official discourse of ethnic minorities in the PRC has remained relatively similar. Ethnic minorities are portrayed in images from both times as less civilized, more backward, more exotic and inferior to their Han counterparts.Show less
The paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with...Show moreThe paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with Asian Christians during the Rebellion. The paper makes use of the Dagregisters of Hirado as primary sources to examine the changes in the used discourse. The paper shows that the changes in the discourse created a narrative that was best suited for the situation. The changes also show the difficulty the VOC had in positioning itself during the conflict. On the one hand, the Asian Christians were Catholic enemies, but on the other hand they were fellow Christians fighting non-Christians. The most distinct discourse change happened after the VOC offered its assistance in stopping the rebellion. After which the VOC completely removes the Christian element of the rebellion in their texts, while they had first focused on it.Show less
The German energy transition (Energiewende) is fuelled by a distrust towards nuclear power, foreign energy dependency and climate change. This paper assesses the media representation of the German...Show moreThe German energy transition (Energiewende) is fuelled by a distrust towards nuclear power, foreign energy dependency and climate change. This paper assesses the media representation of the German Energiewende, especially how the use of framing and narrative could influence public opinion on the matter. The analysis which aids to this goal is foucauldian discourse analysis.Show less
Nationalism, Euroscepticism and populism are intertwined concepts in many Western European political parties. Discourse reveals the relationship between nationalism and Euroscepticism to be the...Show moreNationalism, Euroscepticism and populism are intertwined concepts in many Western European political parties. Discourse reveals the relationship between nationalism and Euroscepticism to be the adherence of discursive rules based on Kohn’s dichotomy. The political parties PVV and UKIP are discursively analysed, resulting in an illustration of their reasoning justified by xenophobia, ethno-cultural homogeneity and Western-centrism through populist language.Show less
The thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and...Show moreThe thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and implementation of the concept in women NGOs in Peru, making inferences about the incoherence surrounding the conceptualization and use of the notion. It furthermore provides a broad analysis about the evolution of the concept of women’s empowerment at different levels and the performative effect of the discourse as part of the North-South development cooperation in Latin America, especially in the Andes region. The author presents certainly a necessary reflection about the asymmetrical perceptions on social development.Show less
This thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for...Show moreThis thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for the West from local realities in Yaounde, Cameroon. It also aims to prove that the socio-cultural and economic situations of women in local communities are different from those in the West thereby, putting them at crossroads of climate footprint assessment and implementation. Theoretical underpinnings applied in this study indicate the different perspectives on the complex climate change issue, the transformations of climate discourse within given paradigms and the peculiar climate messaging and communication of the World Sustainability Fund (WSF). The three-pronged-methodology: critical discourse analysis, interview and audio/film, observation and photo used to gather data for this thesis aim at assessing the neoliberal individualistic modelling of WSF’s climate footprints and how this works elsewhere. This approach facilitates the communication of both the implicit and explicit experiences of the research/participants as they occur in their real live situations. Results of this study reveal that although climate impact assessment tools such as footprints could be designed with good intensions, they could equally be regarded as dangerous neoliberal power tools that ignore local sociocultural/economic realities elsewhere. The language functions of picture/text and talk around WSF’s climate footprint production rather represent broader sociocultural/political structures as exemplified in the colonial trait of its Sustainable Solutions. This study, conducted at WSF, The Hague and on three women in Yaounde, Cameroon is only a tip of the iceberg. It therefore serves as an opening for more research regarding women as actors in climate issues and the decolonisation of the climate change phenomenon. Key words: Climate change, discourse, footprints, the women, World Sustainability Fund (WSF)Show less
Europe’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European...Show moreEurope’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European societies and identities, have stimulated European citizens to reject the liberal status quo. The declining levels of trust in politicians, political parties and towards national and European institutions have created space for right-wing populist actors to enter the political arena. In more recent years this has paved the way for far-right political parties and movements led by Marine Le Pen, Matteo Salvini, Viktor Orbán, Heinz-Christian Strache and Alexander Gauland. These populist leaders across the continent have positioned themselves as the main contender to mainstream politics moving from a marginal position to the centre stage. The emergence of populism has shifted the balance of political forces in Europe and left behind a polarised and fragmented party system within the European political landscape. This paper will analyse how populism as a ‘thin’ ideology along with nationalism is articulated by radical-right populist parties within EU member states. The purpose of this study is to assess the growing support for the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV), The National Rally (RN) in France and the Italian Northern League (LN), in particular with regard to the political discourse they use in the process of gaining electoral votes and bringing to the centre their core values and beliefs. This paper will provide clear examples of how the rise of populism has made it more difficult for a voter to make a distinction amidst the populist appeal and the actual values and target of these political parties and their leaders.Show less
This thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It...Show moreThis thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It explores the 2000 Dutch repeal of the brothels ban and the 1999 Swedish prohibition on the purchase of sex services. It posed the question - What are the discourses underlying the two dominant feminist stances on Human Trafficking and its link to prostitution? Do they reveal a similar or a radically opposed logic in their articulation of female subject positions? If so, how? By employing post-structuralist theory of discourse, notions of bio-power, docile bodies, governmentality and others, this paper argues that despite the fierce opposition between radical and liberal feminist standpoints on the two issues at hand, both positions frame female subjects as bodies to be governed or as the loci for state incursions and governmental control. In the case of abolitionist feminists, women are held to be passive victims who are in need of governmental protection and saving. Conversely, the liberal stance perceives them as a separate economic class that must be placed under state supervision with its activities regulated and controlled. Importantly, this thesis contributes to the research on international political theory by offering a new interpretation of the debate on HT and prostitution. By employing a comparative case study as means to demonstrate its theoretical argument, it aims to create an alternative understanding of the polarised debate which essentially expresses one overarching framework. As such, it is highly relevant to post-modern feminist theory and gender studies since it presents a new perspective on one of the central and most pressing crises in global gender equality. This assertion is of vital importance for international relations and regionalist debates on state power insofar as it addresses important questions concerning the role of the nation-state in managing domestic affairs, such as prostitution, and tackling international issues, such as HT. In that regard, this paper argues against one of the widely-held beliefs, prevalent in liberal political circles, envisioning a decreased role for post-modern states in international relations and national policies. Instead, it posits that the construction of the two feminist discourses, creating easily governable subjects and enhancing state interventions, and their policy impact on HT and prostitution have successfully worked to solidify the role of the nation-state in addressing both HT and prostitution. Lastly, radical and liberal feminist movements in Sweden and The Netherlands have rendered one of the most successful lobbying efforts in the world which manifests the implications of international and regional political debates on national level. Admittedly, this serves a wider agenda in which national Dutch and Swedish feminist movements embody a culminating success of a global endeavour and as such are of broad importance with indisputably reverberating effects.Show less
The 2008 uprisings in Tibet have had a profound impact on Sino-Tibetan relations. This thesis looks at the Han-Chinese point of view on these uprisings as seen in a series of documentaries...Show moreThe 2008 uprisings in Tibet have had a profound impact on Sino-Tibetan relations. This thesis looks at the Han-Chinese point of view on these uprisings as seen in a series of documentaries broadcasted by CCTV. The thesis shows how the use of documentary film steers public opinion and how the documentaries fit into a broader hegemonic discourse.Show less
Where do the European Court of Justice and national tribunals draw the line between freedom of speech and the protection of minorities? How is social coherence in democratic societies pursued if...Show moreWhere do the European Court of Justice and national tribunals draw the line between freedom of speech and the protection of minorities? How is social coherence in democratic societies pursued if linguistic insults drive a wedge between citizens? Recent attempts to ban hate speech, court cases on Holocaust denials, and the condemnation of comedy expressions reveal the vibrant intersection of freedom of expression and hate speech. With the aim of providing an outlook on the juridical, political, and ideological future of EU member-states, this thesis investigates some of the implications of attempts to legally enforce speech. Focusing on the prosecution of Geert Wilders since 2014, I argue that the victim of hate speech is always influenced by a historicity that exceeds the present, regardless of context. Furthermore, I will state that the roots of insults lie in the antagonisms of modern democratic societies that encapsulate latent enmity and a lack of tolerance. I therefore propose to address hurt through public debate and not law, since the latter is a mere regulatory instrument of human behavior. Finally, the criminalization of speech narrows the space for debate and ignores and reinforces societal antagonisms: the deep-rooted cause of distrust and conflict that is once to blossom.Show less
On June 23, 2016, a referendum in the UK made clear that the EU would lose a member for the first time since its birth in 1951. In a highly intense campaign during the months before the referendum,...Show moreOn June 23, 2016, a referendum in the UK made clear that the EU would lose a member for the first time since its birth in 1951. In a highly intense campaign during the months before the referendum, those in favor of Brexit faced off those that fought to maintain the status quo. Among the many issues debated, sovereignty emerged as heavily contested. This thesis attempts to shed some light on the competing concepts of sovereignty that were used by the two camps by analyzing the discourses of left- and right-wing newspapers in the UK. After performing a discourse analysis of 90 articles that these newspapers published during the runup to the referendum, this thesis concludes that right-wing newspapers view sovereignty as an indivisible, high-value concept that should be held by a national, democratically elected government. By contrast, left-wing newspapers view it as having various degrees, which makes them more willing to cede some of it, if this benefits the nation. Academically, the thesis draws on existing literature about sovereignty and the British understanding of it, expanding on this literature especially through the insights on the British left-wing newspapers’ discourse. Moreover, it seeks to stimulate public debate on sovereignty by drawing attention to these newspapers’ less absolute, more cooperative perspective of the concept.Show less
Since January 2013, Xi Jinping has launched a sustained high profile anti-corruption campaign that has targeted Tigers (senior officials) and Flies (rank and file cadres). The thesis uses both...Show moreSince January 2013, Xi Jinping has launched a sustained high profile anti-corruption campaign that has targeted Tigers (senior officials) and Flies (rank and file cadres). The thesis uses both quantitative and qualitative methods to look at the ways in which corruption is defined and explained in state media discourse. As the anti-corruption drive is aimed at Party members, the media on corruption is directly involved in the process of delegitimation of a portion of its members. Within this process, the Party launched a public relations campaign in order to counter the impact of the exposure of corruption cases at all levels of the Party and the government body, in order to re-legitimise the political authority of the Party. The thesis analyses a total of 145 corruption articles on Xinhua News from the years 2013-2016. It shows how the Party legitimises itself in four stages: the first and second, legitimating Xi Jinping as the moral authority and the CDIC as the “enforcer” of legitimate behaviour; the third stage, delegitimizing a portion of the Party as immoral through interlacing corruption narratives with discourses on moral values and public welfare; and the fourth, legitimation of the Party and the political system, through a comparison with corruption in other countries.Show less
In this thesis, the American presidential discourse has been subjected to analysis to determine how the presidential discourse regarding terrorism has developed during the presidency of George W....Show moreIn this thesis, the American presidential discourse has been subjected to analysis to determine how the presidential discourse regarding terrorism has developed during the presidency of George W. Bush and the presidency of Barack Obama. To this end, literature has been reviewed that focused on establishing whether a discursive transformation had occurred between both presidencies. In this review, the theory of Foucault regarding discursive transformation appeared to reoccur. Thus, in the following chapter the theory of Foucault regarding discourse was discussed. Based on this theory, it was established that to analyze the presidential discourse, predicates in presidential speeches would be analyzed. The ensuing analytical chapters, consequently, focused on the reproduction of the concept terrorism through analyzing statements regarding the cause, aim and actors of terrorism and through relating these statement to statements regarding foreign policy during the presidency of George W. Bush and the presidency of Barack Obama and on comparing and contrasting the reproduction of the concept terrorism during both presidencies. Overall, the analysis appeared to indicate that while linguistically the style of the presidents varied while discussing the concept terrorism, the discursively constructed message did not change.Show less
