Populist leaders seem to rely on misinformation, fake news, and conspiracies to expand their power and keep their followers engaged and drown out condemnation from any opponents (Bergman, 2020;...Show morePopulist leaders seem to rely on misinformation, fake news, and conspiracies to expand their power and keep their followers engaged and drown out condemnation from any opponents (Bergman, 2020; Tucker et al 2017). There has been an established relationship between populism and conspiracies, but the literature is still learning exactly in which ways conspiracy theories are used by populist (Taggart, 2018). This thesis conducts a discourse analysis of two controversial American politics to determine in which ways they use conspiracies. It shows populists will utilize conspiracies if they have a disparaging relationship with nonpartisan experts. Once they decide to use conspiracies, they are able to do so to explain why ‘the people’ are not a majority, yet their will should still be considered absolute. And lastly, they are able to limit the amount of information sources they advocate to their followers, potentially isolating voters from truth or criticism.Show less
In sociolinguistic studies, researchers state that there is such a thing as gendered language. These studies looked at gendered language in discourse and came up with a list of stereotypical...Show moreIn sociolinguistic studies, researchers state that there is such a thing as gendered language. These studies looked at gendered language in discourse and came up with a list of stereotypical linguistic characteristics used by women and men. In other words, certain linguistic features such as emotional adjectives and tag-question are more feminine, whereas judgemental adjectives and directives are said to be more masculine. However, the findings are divided and do not always give a common consensus on the reason behind the phenomenon. The differences could stem from social norms, personal preferences, inherited schemata, or the social setting in which the discourse occurs. For example, specific situational settings could be more likely to induce gendered language than other settings. James Bond movies present settings that are potentially more likely to induce gendered language due to the sexually charged nature of the relationship between James Bond and his women. In these situational settings, men are more likely to behave like stereotypical men, and women are more likely to behave like stereotypical women. Therefore, this thesis will look at the specific sociolinguistic context of the potentially sexually charged relationship between James Bond and various female characters and investigate if the characters use stereotypical feminine versus masculine linguistic features and, therefore, contribute to the sociolinguistic corpus of gendered language and its origin. In addition, it looks at the change over time, taking into account the changing Western society in regard to social norms and gender roles. To summarize, this thesis will look at whether the language in discourse found in the movies reflect findings in previous studies, whether the use of linguistic features changes over time, and if the changes can explain the nature of gendered language. This thesis is divided into five chapters the introduction, methodology, results, discussion, and last but not least, the conclusion. In chapter one, the introduction will give a brief overview of the significant sociolinguistic theories present, their relation to gendered language, what research has been done regarding James Bond movies, and how this research contributes to current discussions of feminism. Chapter one also includes a literature review, which goes into depth about the aforementioned sociolinguistic studies. Last but not least, it will give an overview of the research question. Chapter two will discuss the methodology, how social and linguistic factors were chosen, and which difficulties were encountered. Chapter three displays the results found with the help of graphs and figures. Chapters four and five will discuss the findings, their relevance to the ongoing discussion of sociolinguistics and gendered language, and the study’s main takeaway.Show less
Sports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side...Show moreSports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side and improve their image. Recently, it led to a countermovement in which domestic and international calls for boycotts are heard more frequently. This thesis examines the motives of athletes, civil actors, international sporting organisations, international organisations and countries behind these calls. Political scientists often use Doxey’s approach to find the underlying rationale for boycotts. She describes eight different motives to call for a boycott. Only a limited number of scholars have studied sports boycotts in general since they mainly focus on a specific case and link this to a general theory (inductive reasoning). Studying the motives behind a call for a boycott deductively by applying Doxey’s model has not been done before. The study modifies economic models by differentiating six possible motives to call for a boycott, namely punishment, destabilisation, solidarity, symbolism, delegitimisation and signalling. All cases are studied via a discourse analysis in which the language of articles comes from six English-speaking news platforms with a global reach is checked for keywords and context. This thesis finds that although there is no single motive for all boycotts, ‘easy’ boycotts without a political layer are likely to be driven by policy change or punishment, whereas more political boycotts are in most cases motivated by solidarity and delegitimising. However, sports boycotts have an intermediate effect and are therefore very effective as a response to unexpected events.Show less
Donald Trump has frequently been labelled an idiosyncratic aberration and has equally been accused of breaking with American foreign policy tradition. However, by applying the foreign policy...Show moreDonald Trump has frequently been labelled an idiosyncratic aberration and has equally been accused of breaking with American foreign policy tradition. However, by applying the foreign policy traditions uncovered by Mead (Wilsonianism, Hamiltonianism, Jeffersonianism and Jacksonianism), scholars began arguing that Trump was perfectly traditional because he adhered to one or more of these historic traditions. Simultaneously, scholars argued that Trump rejected the myth of American exceptionalism that informs said traditions. This begs the question of how one can be traditional, yet also reject their foundational myth. Scholars had failed to consider these two facets in tandem, and had only focussed on Trump’s campaign and early presidency therefore failing to provide a prudent analysis of Trump’s entire foreign policy. This thesis aimed to rectified both by asking the following question: how has Trump’s re-interpretation of American exceptionalism influenced the utilisation of the dominant traditions in American foreign policy in his foreign policy discourse? Through the use of a critical geopolitical analysis, it was uncovered that Trump redefined American exceptionalism to an conditional state of objective greatness that only he could achieve and maintain, rather than an inherent trait. This allowed him to argue that his predecessors had made America unexceptional, stirring feelings of betrayal that he could then mobilise for his own political gain. This demagogic ‘exceptional me 2.0’ strategy shaped his application of all the four traditions wherein he blames Wilsonianism for American decline and aims to rally disappointed Hamiltonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians against them in order to effectuate a great reset of American foreign policy and domestic politics.Show less
With the adoption of the European Union Global Strategy in 2016 the EU renewed its quest for attaining strategic autonomy. However, the EU document did not specify what would constitute European...Show moreWith the adoption of the European Union Global Strategy in 2016 the EU renewed its quest for attaining strategic autonomy. However, the EU document did not specify what would constitute European strategic autonomy (ESA), so, as is the case with the EU’s external policies, the national perspectives of Member States are its obvious basis. Historically, the Netherlands has been an obstructionist when it came to European security and defence integration due to its Atlanticist position, begging the question: how is European strategic autonomy represented in Dutch politics? To understand the Dutch perspective and positioning regarding ESA, this thesis drew from the field of Critical Geopolitics, conducting an interpretive-explanatory research employing discourse analysis by analysing statements made by party representatives in the Tweede Kamer during the period of 2016-2021. Three distinct schools of thought underpinning the representations of ESA in the Dutch debate. The Sovereigntists are Eurosceptics who present ESA as an attempt to establish a European army and a threat to national sovereignty. The Europeanists actively champion ESA and envision it as an emancipatory project to make the EU able to act independently of the US because it is an increasingly unreliable ally. The Atlanticists present ESA as an opportunity to take responsibility within NATO and improve burden-sharing with the US. This thesis found that the Dutch debate regarding European security policy has substantially Europeanised. While the Atlanticists are still cautious, they no longer take an active obstructionist position, instead adopting Europeanist talking-points from the 90s. Considering this Europeanist momentum, there is potential for the Netherlands to become an active and serious promotor of ambitious European security commitments.Show less
Burgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form...Show moreBurgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form of Chinese neo-colonialism in Africa that is challenging Western efforts to help the continent develop. It is in this atmosphere of competition that the perspectives of Africans themselves have often been overlooked. This research paper attempts to shed light on these perspectives by analysing how elite political discourse in South Africa, Zambia and Angola perceives growing Africa-China relations, and how this discourse differs from common themes found in Western discourse. The paper combines a macro critical political discourse analysis of elite political discourse with a qualitative comparative analysis of these three case studies, within the timeframe January 2018 – January 2020. The research paper reveals that African political discourse often differs from, and indeed challenges, common themes found in Western discourse. In doing so, this research also contests the ‘universality’ of Western perceptions of both Africa and Africa-China relations. And finally, this research problematises the portrayal of non-Western actors in mainstream IR and highlights the need to listen to these voices from the periphery.Show less
Since the events of 9/11 and the war on terror, there has been a rise in Islamist terrorism and its subcategory of home-grown terrorism, where the perpetrators of terrorist violence are born and...Show moreSince the events of 9/11 and the war on terror, there has been a rise in Islamist terrorism and its subcategory of home-grown terrorism, where the perpetrators of terrorist violence are born and raised in the countries of the attack. The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of home-grown terrorism by offering an application of social identity theory to the phenomenon’s relevant identity discourses. To do so, this thesis sets out to deconstruct and analyse the significant identity discourses constructed by British government officials and Islamist terrorist organisations. This thesis identifies a push and pull dynamic between British and Islamist identity discourses where vulnerable British Muslims feel alienated and pushed away from British society’s emphasis on assimilative secular, liberal democratic values and instead find the appeal of the global Muslim community, the ummah, as an inclusionary, unifying sense of identity. Certainly, terrorism and home-grown terrorism are complex phenomena without single explanations, but this thesis puts forwards identity as a complementary explanation for home-grown terrorism as it ties in existing explanations such as historical and political grievances and socioeconomic inequalities. Because identity is often constructed on an exclusionary basis, where an individual must be one or the other and never both, social identity theory’s ideas of social comparison and positive group worth explain the need for terrorists to harm other identities to increase its own identity’s social worth.Show less
Considering the urgency posed by the violent homophobic conduct of Sub-Saharan African states towards males who appear as challenging the socially dominant standards of masculinity and sexuality,...Show moreConsidering the urgency posed by the violent homophobic conduct of Sub-Saharan African states towards males who appear as challenging the socially dominant standards of masculinity and sexuality, this thesis aims to problematize queer violence in the African post-colony. Queer violence is hereby defined as the violence inflicted upon the bodies and lives of citizens of the post-colonial state on the sole ground of their perceived or actual sexuality. Looking into the underexplored case of Nigeria, this thesis asks the following question ‘How has the Nigerian state exercised queer violence?’ Based on a review of the literature, the building blocks of the homophobic discourse (laws, morality, tradition and religion), which legitimize queer violence in the African context, and particularly in Nigeria, are discussed. In order to criticise the persisting violent conduct and unveil how queer violence functions, queer theory is utilised together with Foucault’s notion of biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics. Additionally, a genealogical approach helps analyse the state conduct through its discursive, but also non-discursive/material practices. Through the analysis of the occasion of the arrests and arraignment of 57 men in Lagos, Nigeria from August 2018 through March 2020, for offenses related to same-sex relations and homosexuality, it is observed that the Nigerian state has exercised queer violence by disguising its necropolitical conduct in biopolitical terms. It has been further observed that queer violence is performed indiscriminately, endangering especially the male population.Show less
This thesis presents an analysis of the way language is used as a form of power in Nineteen Eighty-Four and Fahrenheit 451. Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four represents a society which uses the...Show moreThis thesis presents an analysis of the way language is used as a form of power in Nineteen Eighty-Four and Fahrenheit 451. Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four represents a society which uses the manipulation of meaning in order to restrict individual thought. Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451 likewise presents a government whose goal it is to diminish individual thought. However, Fahrenheit 451 focuses more on the violent destruction of written language.Show less
Ecuador's constitution of 2008 has gathered worldwide attention for its progressive outlook. The constitution adopted Buen Vivir (good living), a concept rooted in the Andean indigenous social...Show moreEcuador's constitution of 2008 has gathered worldwide attention for its progressive outlook. The constitution adopted Buen Vivir (good living), a concept rooted in the Andean indigenous social movements, as the leading principle of the state. Scholars have called Buen Vivir a potential 'alternative to development': it redefines the objective of national planning as achieving harmony between nature, society and individuals, as opposed to narrowly-defined improved material wellbeing. Nonetheless, critics claim that the term has turned into a guise for new developmentalist state practices. This thesis assesses how a radical new discourse such as Buen Vivir evolves once confronted with the structures of the state and the constraints of society and economy. Drawing on Critical Discourse Analysis, it analyses how the framing of Buen Vivir in the speeches of Ecuador's presidents has limited its transformative potential. Furthermore, it illustrates how gaps between discourse, state practices and constitutional values have rendered the emancipatory meaning of Buen Vivir ambiguous.Show less
This thesis investigates the presence of biopolitical discourse, based on Foucault's concept of biopolitics, in the Dutch debate surrounding the new intelligence services law (Wiv 2017). This...Show moreThis thesis investigates the presence of biopolitical discourse, based on Foucault's concept of biopolitics, in the Dutch debate surrounding the new intelligence services law (Wiv 2017). This thesis argues that governmental political parties justify the implementation of the Wiv by referring to international threats and the necessity to tackle these threats by measures that invade the privacy of individual citizens.Show less
In the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for...Show moreIn the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for financial aid. On the one hand, Chinese influence is associated with economic development in the country. On the other hand, this influence is associated with violations of human rights and sustainable negligence. Therefore, this paper answers the question, ‘’why do English-language Cambodian newspapers differ in expressing their views towards the Sino-Cambodian relationship?’’. As such, this paper demonstrates the interplay between the Cambodian political economy, media ownership and the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in English-language Cambodian newspapers. This paper examines articles from three different newspapers and deploys a discourse analysis as a tool for understanding. Linking the findings to the context, this study demonstrates how a critical tone and a lack of emphasis on Cambodian reciprocity in the Sino-Cambodian relationship can affect ownership of a newspaper and how this has consequences for the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in the articles published.Show less
As Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage...Show moreAs Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage between the Chinese princess Wencheng and the Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo is commonly known in China and employed by the Chinese government to legitimize their modern rule over Tibet. This study uses Critical Discourse Analysis to research a theater play of this story, and the presence of this story in Tibet’s many tourist sites. The results of the analysis reveal a process that shows how state-directed stories could become commonly regarded as ‘true’, with tourism as the primary vehicle to advance such a process. I argue that such a process can be found in other cases as well, and is not unique to the story of princess Wencheng.Show less
This thesis focuses on the representation of ethnic minorities in official images in the People's Republic of China (PRC) during Mao's chairmanship (1949-1976) and 2018-2019. Representation of...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the representation of ethnic minorities in official images in the People's Republic of China (PRC) during Mao's chairmanship (1949-1976) and 2018-2019. Representation of ethnic minorities in the PRC has been researched before, but most of this research was focused on solely one time period. By studying two different time periods, the development of the representation through time is made visible which can provide insights regarding future development. Since the PRC's government controls almost all information outlets within the country, the analyzed images (propaganda posters and newspaper images) representing Chinese ethnic minorities therefore reflect the government's official discourse of these people. The results of this research show that the official discourse of ethnic minorities in the PRC has remained relatively similar. Ethnic minorities are portrayed in images from both times as less civilized, more backward, more exotic and inferior to their Han counterparts.Show less
The paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with...Show moreThe paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with Asian Christians during the Rebellion. The paper makes use of the Dagregisters of Hirado as primary sources to examine the changes in the used discourse. The paper shows that the changes in the discourse created a narrative that was best suited for the situation. The changes also show the difficulty the VOC had in positioning itself during the conflict. On the one hand, the Asian Christians were Catholic enemies, but on the other hand they were fellow Christians fighting non-Christians. The most distinct discourse change happened after the VOC offered its assistance in stopping the rebellion. After which the VOC completely removes the Christian element of the rebellion in their texts, while they had first focused on it.Show less
The thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and...Show moreThe thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and implementation of the concept in women NGOs in Peru, making inferences about the incoherence surrounding the conceptualization and use of the notion. It furthermore provides a broad analysis about the evolution of the concept of women’s empowerment at different levels and the performative effect of the discourse as part of the North-South development cooperation in Latin America, especially in the Andes region. The author presents certainly a necessary reflection about the asymmetrical perceptions on social development.Show less
This thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for...Show moreThis thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for the West from local realities in Yaounde, Cameroon. It also aims to prove that the socio-cultural and economic situations of women in local communities are different from those in the West thereby, putting them at crossroads of climate footprint assessment and implementation. Theoretical underpinnings applied in this study indicate the different perspectives on the complex climate change issue, the transformations of climate discourse within given paradigms and the peculiar climate messaging and communication of the World Sustainability Fund (WSF). The three-pronged-methodology: critical discourse analysis, interview and audio/film, observation and photo used to gather data for this thesis aim at assessing the neoliberal individualistic modelling of WSF’s climate footprints and how this works elsewhere. This approach facilitates the communication of both the implicit and explicit experiences of the research/participants as they occur in their real live situations. Results of this study reveal that although climate impact assessment tools such as footprints could be designed with good intensions, they could equally be regarded as dangerous neoliberal power tools that ignore local sociocultural/economic realities elsewhere. The language functions of picture/text and talk around WSF’s climate footprint production rather represent broader sociocultural/political structures as exemplified in the colonial trait of its Sustainable Solutions. This study, conducted at WSF, The Hague and on three women in Yaounde, Cameroon is only a tip of the iceberg. It therefore serves as an opening for more research regarding women as actors in climate issues and the decolonisation of the climate change phenomenon. Key words: Climate change, discourse, footprints, the women, World Sustainability Fund (WSF)Show less
