As Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage...Show moreAs Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage between the Chinese princess Wencheng and the Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo is commonly known in China and employed by the Chinese government to legitimize their modern rule over Tibet. This study uses Critical Discourse Analysis to research a theater play of this story, and the presence of this story in Tibet’s many tourist sites. The results of the analysis reveal a process that shows how state-directed stories could become commonly regarded as ‘true’, with tourism as the primary vehicle to advance such a process. I argue that such a process can be found in other cases as well, and is not unique to the story of princess Wencheng.Show less
This thesis focuses on the representation of ethnic minorities in official images in the People's Republic of China (PRC) during Mao's chairmanship (1949-1976) and 2018-2019. Representation of...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the representation of ethnic minorities in official images in the People's Republic of China (PRC) during Mao's chairmanship (1949-1976) and 2018-2019. Representation of ethnic minorities in the PRC has been researched before, but most of this research was focused on solely one time period. By studying two different time periods, the development of the representation through time is made visible which can provide insights regarding future development. Since the PRC's government controls almost all information outlets within the country, the analyzed images (propaganda posters and newspaper images) representing Chinese ethnic minorities therefore reflect the government's official discourse of these people. The results of this research show that the official discourse of ethnic minorities in the PRC has remained relatively similar. Ethnic minorities are portrayed in images from both times as less civilized, more backward, more exotic and inferior to their Han counterparts.Show less
The paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with...Show moreThe paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with Asian Christians during the Rebellion. The paper makes use of the Dagregisters of Hirado as primary sources to examine the changes in the used discourse. The paper shows that the changes in the discourse created a narrative that was best suited for the situation. The changes also show the difficulty the VOC had in positioning itself during the conflict. On the one hand, the Asian Christians were Catholic enemies, but on the other hand they were fellow Christians fighting non-Christians. The most distinct discourse change happened after the VOC offered its assistance in stopping the rebellion. After which the VOC completely removes the Christian element of the rebellion in their texts, while they had first focused on it.Show less
The German energy transition (Energiewende) is fuelled by a distrust towards nuclear power, foreign energy dependency and climate change. This paper assesses the media representation of the German...Show moreThe German energy transition (Energiewende) is fuelled by a distrust towards nuclear power, foreign energy dependency and climate change. This paper assesses the media representation of the German Energiewende, especially how the use of framing and narrative could influence public opinion on the matter. The analysis which aids to this goal is foucauldian discourse analysis.Show less
Nationalism, Euroscepticism and populism are intertwined concepts in many Western European political parties. Discourse reveals the relationship between nationalism and Euroscepticism to be the...Show moreNationalism, Euroscepticism and populism are intertwined concepts in many Western European political parties. Discourse reveals the relationship between nationalism and Euroscepticism to be the adherence of discursive rules based on Kohn’s dichotomy. The political parties PVV and UKIP are discursively analysed, resulting in an illustration of their reasoning justified by xenophobia, ethno-cultural homogeneity and Western-centrism through populist language.Show less
The thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and...Show moreThe thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and implementation of the concept in women NGOs in Peru, making inferences about the incoherence surrounding the conceptualization and use of the notion. It furthermore provides a broad analysis about the evolution of the concept of women’s empowerment at different levels and the performative effect of the discourse as part of the North-South development cooperation in Latin America, especially in the Andes region. The author presents certainly a necessary reflection about the asymmetrical perceptions on social development.Show less
This thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for...Show moreThis thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for the West from local realities in Yaounde, Cameroon. It also aims to prove that the socio-cultural and economic situations of women in local communities are different from those in the West thereby, putting them at crossroads of climate footprint assessment and implementation. Theoretical underpinnings applied in this study indicate the different perspectives on the complex climate change issue, the transformations of climate discourse within given paradigms and the peculiar climate messaging and communication of the World Sustainability Fund (WSF). The three-pronged-methodology: critical discourse analysis, interview and audio/film, observation and photo used to gather data for this thesis aim at assessing the neoliberal individualistic modelling of WSF’s climate footprints and how this works elsewhere. This approach facilitates the communication of both the implicit and explicit experiences of the research/participants as they occur in their real live situations. Results of this study reveal that although climate impact assessment tools such as footprints could be designed with good intensions, they could equally be regarded as dangerous neoliberal power tools that ignore local sociocultural/economic realities elsewhere. The language functions of picture/text and talk around WSF’s climate footprint production rather represent broader sociocultural/political structures as exemplified in the colonial trait of its Sustainable Solutions. This study, conducted at WSF, The Hague and on three women in Yaounde, Cameroon is only a tip of the iceberg. It therefore serves as an opening for more research regarding women as actors in climate issues and the decolonisation of the climate change phenomenon. Key words: Climate change, discourse, footprints, the women, World Sustainability Fund (WSF)Show less
When discussing progressive politics, Uruguay stands out as the most secular and socially inclusive of all Latin American nations (Encanarción 2016, 9). Moreover, with marijuana, abortion and same...Show moreWhen discussing progressive politics, Uruguay stands out as the most secular and socially inclusive of all Latin American nations (Encanarción 2016, 9). Moreover, with marijuana, abortion and same-sex marriage being legalized, Uruguay has solidified its position amongst the most progressive countries worldwide. With regards to the inclusion of the homosexual community, most interesting is the high rate of general acceptance of homosexuality by the Uruguayan population. This is where the country strongly differentiates itself from the rest of the region; it is the only country in the region where the majority of the population expressed favorability towards same-sex marriage. This raises the question as to how it is possible that a country in the rather conservative Latin American region manages to exert such a progressive discourse.Show less
Europe’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European...Show moreEurope’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European societies and identities, have stimulated European citizens to reject the liberal status quo. The declining levels of trust in politicians, political parties and towards national and European institutions have created space for right-wing populist actors to enter the political arena. In more recent years this has paved the way for far-right political parties and movements led by Marine Le Pen, Matteo Salvini, Viktor Orbán, Heinz-Christian Strache and Alexander Gauland. These populist leaders across the continent have positioned themselves as the main contender to mainstream politics moving from a marginal position to the centre stage. The emergence of populism has shifted the balance of political forces in Europe and left behind a polarised and fragmented party system within the European political landscape. This paper will analyse how populism as a ‘thin’ ideology along with nationalism is articulated by radical-right populist parties within EU member states. The purpose of this study is to assess the growing support for the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV), The National Rally (RN) in France and the Italian Northern League (LN), in particular with regard to the political discourse they use in the process of gaining electoral votes and bringing to the centre their core values and beliefs. This paper will provide clear examples of how the rise of populism has made it more difficult for a voter to make a distinction amidst the populist appeal and the actual values and target of these political parties and their leaders.Show less
This thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It...Show moreThis thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It explores the 2000 Dutch repeal of the brothels ban and the 1999 Swedish prohibition on the purchase of sex services. It posed the question - What are the discourses underlying the two dominant feminist stances on Human Trafficking and its link to prostitution? Do they reveal a similar or a radically opposed logic in their articulation of female subject positions? If so, how? By employing post-structuralist theory of discourse, notions of bio-power, docile bodies, governmentality and others, this paper argues that despite the fierce opposition between radical and liberal feminist standpoints on the two issues at hand, both positions frame female subjects as bodies to be governed or as the loci for state incursions and governmental control. In the case of abolitionist feminists, women are held to be passive victims who are in need of governmental protection and saving. Conversely, the liberal stance perceives them as a separate economic class that must be placed under state supervision with its activities regulated and controlled. Importantly, this thesis contributes to the research on international political theory by offering a new interpretation of the debate on HT and prostitution. By employing a comparative case study as means to demonstrate its theoretical argument, it aims to create an alternative understanding of the polarised debate which essentially expresses one overarching framework. As such, it is highly relevant to post-modern feminist theory and gender studies since it presents a new perspective on one of the central and most pressing crises in global gender equality. This assertion is of vital importance for international relations and regionalist debates on state power insofar as it addresses important questions concerning the role of the nation-state in managing domestic affairs, such as prostitution, and tackling international issues, such as HT. In that regard, this paper argues against one of the widely-held beliefs, prevalent in liberal political circles, envisioning a decreased role for post-modern states in international relations and national policies. Instead, it posits that the construction of the two feminist discourses, creating easily governable subjects and enhancing state interventions, and their policy impact on HT and prostitution have successfully worked to solidify the role of the nation-state in addressing both HT and prostitution. Lastly, radical and liberal feminist movements in Sweden and The Netherlands have rendered one of the most successful lobbying efforts in the world which manifests the implications of international and regional political debates on national level. Admittedly, this serves a wider agenda in which national Dutch and Swedish feminist movements embody a culminating success of a global endeavour and as such are of broad importance with indisputably reverberating effects.Show less
